Donald Trump was elected to shake Washington out of its paralysis. He is adding to America’s problems
人們選擇了唐納德川普是希望他可以給死氣沉沉的華盛頓帶來活力医增，然而現(xiàn)在他卻成了美國(guó)的問題之一慎皱。
JULY 4th ought to bring Americanstogether. It is a day to celebratehow 13 young coloniesunited against British rule to begintheir great experiment in popular government. But thisJuly 4th Americans are riven bymutual incomprehension: between Republicans and Democrats, yes, but also between factory workers and university students, country folk and citydwellers.And then there is President Donald Trump, not onlya symptom of America’s divisions but a cause of them, too.Mr Trump won power partly because he spoke for voterswho feel that the system is working against them, as our specialreport this week sets out. He promised that, bydredgingWashington of the elites and lobbyists too stupid or self-servingto act for the whole nation, he would fix America’s politics.His approach is notworking. Five months into his first term,Mr Trump presides over a political culture that is even morepoisonous than when he took office. His core voters are remarkablyloyal. Many businesspeople still believe that he willbring tax cuts and deregulation. But their optimism stands onever-shakier ground. The Trump presidency has been plaguedby poor judgment and missed opportunities. The federal governmentis already showing the strain. Sooner or later, theharm will spreadbeyond the beltwayand into the economy.
獨(dú)立日本來會(huì)是美國(guó)人一起慶祝的日子。這是為了紀(jì)念當(dāng)年年輕的北美十三殖民地是如何合力反抗英國(guó)統(tǒng)治并開展平民政府的嘗試的叶骨。但這個(gè)獨(dú)立日宝冕，美國(guó)人民卻被彼此的互不理解給撕裂：這種撕裂不僅存于共和黨與民主黨之間，也存在在工廠工人與大學(xué)學(xué)生邓萨、鄉(xiāng)村民眾與城市居民之間〉乩妫現(xiàn)在還多了一個(gè)唐納德川普總統(tǒng)，他不僅是美國(guó)分裂的癥狀缔恳，實(shí)際上還是美國(guó)分裂的原因之一宝剖。川普能夠當(dāng)選，部分是因?yàn)樗麨槟切┯X得體制和自己過不去的民眾發(fā)聲歉甚，我們本周的特別報(bào)道對(duì)此作了闡述万细。他承諾過，通過疏浚當(dāng)前被不是愚蠢就是自肥、不為國(guó)謀利的精英和游說者們所占據(jù)的華盛頓赖钞，他會(huì)解決美國(guó)的政治問題腰素。他的路線沒有起作用。他的任期已經(jīng)開始了五個(gè)月了雪营，川普所領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的政治環(huán)境比他就任時(shí)更為有害弓千。他的核心支持者們忠心耿耿。很多商業(yè)界人士依然相信他會(huì)減稅和放松監(jiān)管献起。然而他們的樂觀看法正岌岌可危洋访。川普的總統(tǒng)任期已經(jīng)被錯(cuò)誤的判斷和錯(cuò)失的機(jī)會(huì)所拖累。聯(lián)邦政府已經(jīng)疲憊不堪谴餐。也許不久這種問題會(huì)擴(kuò)散出華盛頓進(jìn)入經(jīng)濟(jì)領(lǐng)域姻政。
From sea to shining sea
兩洋之間
America’s loss of faith in politics did not start with Mr Trump.For decades, voters have complained about the gridlock inWashington and the growing influence of lobbyists, oftenthose with the deepest pockets. Francis Fukuyama, a politicaltheorist, blamed the decayon the “vetocracy”, a tangle of competinginterests and responsibilities that can block almost anyambitious reform. When the world changes and the federalgovernment cannot rise to the challenge, he argued, voters’disillusion only grows.
在美國(guó)，對(duì)政治的失去信心不是從川普開始的岂嗓。幾十年來汁展，選民們一直在抱怨華盛頓的僵局以及上升中的說客影響——說客們經(jīng)常為最有錢的服務(wù)。弗朗西斯福山厌殉，一個(gè)政治理論家食绿，歸咎于"反對(duì)票統(tǒng)治"，利益沖突與立場(chǎng)敵對(duì)的一團(tuán)亂麻年枕、阻止了任何有抱負(fù)的改革炫欺。當(dāng)世界改變時(shí)乎完，聯(lián)邦政府無力應(yīng)對(duì)熏兄，他說，選民的幻滅感與日預(yù)增 树姨。
Mr Trump has also fuelled the mistrust. He has correctlyidentified areas where America needs reform, but botched hisresponse—partly because of his own incontinent ego. Take tax.No one doubts that America’s tax code is a mess, stuffed full ofloopholes and complexity. But Mr Trump’s reform plans showevery sign of turning into a cut for the rich that leaves the codeas baffling as ever. So, too, health care. Instead of reformingObamacare, Republicans are in knots over a bill that wouldleave millions of Mr Trump’s own voters sicker and poorer.
川普也助長(zhǎng)了不信任摩桶。他正確的認(rèn)識(shí)到美國(guó)所需要改革的領(lǐng)域，但所做的修補(bǔ)卻笨拙不堪帽揪，部分原因可能是因?yàn)樗请y以自控的自負(fù)硝清。比如稅務(wù)。沒有人不相信美國(guó)的稅法一團(tuán)混亂转晰，充滿了漏洞和復(fù)雜性芦拿。但川普的改革計(jì)劃卻無處不表現(xiàn)出是在為富人減稅，使得稅法一如既往的難以讀懂查邢。還有蔗崎，醫(yī)保法案。共和黨沒有選擇改革奧巴馬醫(yī)保法案扰藕，而是在一個(gè)會(huì)使得川普的支持者們更窮更病的法案上嘰嘰喳喳缓苛。
Institutions are vulnerable. The White House is right tocomplain about America’s overlapping and competing agencies,which spun too much red tape under President BarackObama. Yet its attempt to reform this “administrative state” iswrecking the machinery the government needs to function.Mr Trump’s hostility has already undermined the courts, theintelligence services, the state department and America’s environmentalwatchdog. He wants deep budget cuts and has failedto fill presidential appointments. Of 562 key positions identifiedby theWashington Post, 390 remain without a nominee.
政府機(jī)構(gòu)脆弱不堪。白宮說的沒錯(cuò)邓深，政府部門職能重疊相互競(jìng)爭(zhēng)導(dǎo)致了太多在奧巴馬總統(tǒng)治下所產(chǎn)生出的官僚主義未桥。但它試圖改革這一“行政國(guó)家”的努力卻損壞了政府賴以運(yùn)行的機(jī)制本身笔刹。川普的敵意已經(jīng)削弱了法庭、情報(bào)機(jī)構(gòu)冬耿、國(guó)務(wù)院以及美國(guó)的環(huán)境監(jiān)察機(jī)構(gòu)舌菜。他想大刀闊斧的削減預(yù)算而沒有完成總統(tǒng)所需要完成的官員任命。在華盛頓郵報(bào)所識(shí)別出的562個(gè)關(guān)鍵職位上淆党，390個(gè)職位至今還沒有提名者酷师。
As harmful as what Mr Trump does is the way he does it. Inthe campaign he vowed to fight special interests. But his solution—to employ business people too rich for lobbyists tobuy—is no solution at all. Just look at Mr Trump himself: despitehis half-hearted attempts to disentangle the presidencyand the family business, nobody knows where one ends andthe other begins. He promised to be a dealmaker, but his impulseto belittle his opponents and the miasma of scandal andleaks surrounding Russia’s role in the campaign have made thechances of cross-party co-operation even more remote. Thelack of respect for expertise, such as the attacks on the CongressionalBudget Office over its dismal scoring of health-care reform,only makes Washington more partisan. Most important,Mr Trump’s disregard for the truth cuts into what remains ofthe basis for cross-party agreement. If you cannot agree on thefacts, all you have left is a benightedclash of rival tribes.
與川普所做的一樣有害的是他做事的方式。他誓言要對(duì)抗利益集團(tuán)染乌。但他的解決方案——雇傭有錢到說客無法收買的商業(yè)界人士——一點(diǎn)也不靠譜山孔。只要看看川普自己，除了他半心半意的試圖解綁家族生意與總統(tǒng)職責(zé)的努力以外荷憋，沒有人知道這兩者的界限在哪里台颠。他承諾要做一個(gè)談判高手，但他羞辱對(duì)手的沖動(dòng)勒庄，以及一團(tuán)圍繞俄羅斯在競(jìng)選中角色的丑聞和泄密的烏煙瘴氣使得跨黨派合作看起來遙不可及串前。對(duì)于專業(yè)的不尊重，比如在醫(yī)保改革上攻擊國(guó)會(huì)預(yù)算辦公室在做無用功实蔽，只能使得華盛頓更加分裂荡碾。最重要的是，川普對(duì)于真相的不尊重局装，傷害了僅存的可以打成跨黨派共識(shí)的基礎(chǔ)坛吁。如果在事實(shí)上都無法達(dá)成一致，所留存的也只能是蒙昧落后的敵對(duì)部落間的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)铐尚。
Til selfish gain no longer stain
Optimists say that America, with its immense diversity,wealth and reserves of human ingenuity and resilience cantake all this in its stride. Mr Trump is hardly its first bad president.He maybe around for only four years—if that. In a federalsystem, the states and big cities can be islands of competenceamid the dysfunction. America’s economy is seemingly inrude health, with stockmarkets near their all-time highs. Thecountry dominates global tech and finance, and its oil and gasproducers have more clout than at any time since the 1970s.Those are huge strengths. But they only mitigate the damagebeing done in Washington. Health-care reform affects asixth of the economy. Suspicion and mistrust corrode all theytouch. If the ablest Americans shun a career in public service,the bureaucracy will bear the scars. Besides, a bad presidentalso imposes opportunity costs. The rising monopoly powerof companies has gone unchallenged. Schools and training fallshort even as automation and artificial intelligence are aboutto transform the nature of work. If Mr Trump serves a full eightyears—which, despite attacks from his critics, is possible—theprice of paralysis and incompetence could be huge.
樂觀者們說美國(guó)可以帶著它的無盡多樣性拨脉、財(cái)富和人類才智的貯藏、以及韌性一直大踏步向前宣增。川普不是它的第一個(gè)糟糕的總統(tǒng)玫膀。他沒準(zhǔn)只能待四年。在聯(lián)邦體制下爹脾，各州與大城市可以成為這團(tuán)混亂之中的自治的島嶼帖旨。美國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)看起來不錯(cuò)，股市處于接近歷史最高點(diǎn)的位置灵妨。該國(guó)主宰了全球的技術(shù)和金融解阅，它的油氣集團(tuán)有著自1970年代以來最高的影響力。這些是巨大的優(yōu)勢(shì)闷串。但它們只能減輕華盛頓所造成損害瓮钥。醫(yī)保改革影響了六分之一的經(jīng)濟(jì)。疑慮和不信任磨損了它們所接觸到的一切。如果最有能力的美國(guó)人不愿意于從事公共服務(wù)工作碉熄，官僚機(jī)構(gòu)會(huì)承擔(dān)后果桨武。另外，一個(gè)糟糕的總統(tǒng)也會(huì)導(dǎo)致坐失良機(jī)锈津。公司們的壟斷權(quán)力日益上升呀酸，無人監(jiān)管。學(xué)校教育和培訓(xùn)并不合格琼梆，而自動(dòng)化和人工智能卻即將改寫工作的本質(zhì)性誉。如果川普能連任八年——雖然對(duì)他一直批評(píng)不斷，這種可能還是有的——為癱瘓和無能所付出的代價(jià)將是巨大的茎杂。
The dangers are already clear in foreign policy. By panderingto the belief that Washington elites sell America short, MrTrump is doing enduring harm to American leadership. TheTrans-Pacific Partnership would have entrenched America’sconcept of free markets in Asia and shored up its military alliances.He walked away from it. His rejection of the Paris climateaccord showed that he sees the world not as a forumwhere countries work together to solve problems, but as anarena where they compete for advantage. His erratic decision makingand his chumminess with autocrats lead his allies towonder if they can depend on him in a crisis.
在外交上错览，危險(xiǎn)已經(jīng)暴露無遺。為了迎合那種認(rèn)為華盛頓精英們正在賤賣美國(guó)的觀點(diǎn)煌往，川普所做的倾哺、對(duì)美國(guó)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力造成了長(zhǎng)期的傷害。TPP本來可以在亞洲確立美式自由市場(chǎng)理念并為其軍事盟友提供支柱刽脖。他卻將之拋棄羞海。他對(duì)巴黎氣候協(xié)定的拒絕也表明，他不認(rèn)為這個(gè)世界是個(gè)各國(guó)通力合作解決問題的論壇曲管，反而是個(gè)彼此間為利益爭(zhēng)斗的競(jìng)技場(chǎng)却邓。他的錯(cuò)誤決定以及他和獨(dú)裁者們的眉來眼去使得他的盟友們懷疑在危機(jī)時(shí)刻還能不能指望他。
July 4th is a time to remember that America has renewed itselfin the past; think of Theodore Roosevelt’s creation of amodern, professional state, FDR’s New Deal, and the Reaganrevolution. In principle it is not too late for Mr Trump to embracebipartisanship and address the real issues. In practice, itis ever clearer that he is incapable of bringing about such a renaissance.That will fall to his successor.7
獨(dú)立日是紀(jì)念美國(guó)過往的復(fù)興的日子院水，比如老羅斯福所建立的新型專業(yè)化政體腊徙，小羅斯福的新政，以及里根的改革衙耕。就理論而言昧穿，川普重回兩黨合作勺远、致力于真正問題的解決尚為時(shí)不晚橙喘。就實(shí)際而言，現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)更為清楚——他不足以帶來一場(chǎng)類似的復(fù)興——那只能寄希望于他的繼任者胶逢。
