The planning of microdistricts in post-war North Korea: space, power, and everyday life
戰(zhàn)后朝鮮微區(qū)規(guī)劃：空間黔龟、權(quán)力和日常生活
Mina Kim and Inha Jung? ? ?Department of Architecture, Hanyang University
Mina Kim is a PhD candidate at Hanyang University, South Korea. Her recent research focuses on exploring the formation of microdistrict theory and practices in North Korea and its social dimension.
Inha Jung is a critic, historian, and professor of architecture at Hanyang University, South Korea. He is the author of various books including Point/Counterpoint (Copenhagen: Publisher B, 2014), Architecture and Urbanism in Modern Korea (Honolulu, U.S.: University of Hawaii Press, 2013): Exploring Tectonic Space (Tübingen, Germany: Wasmuth, 2008); Contemporary Architecture and Non-representation (Seoul: Acanet,
2006).
ABSTRACT
In the 1950s, the Soviet Union and other communist countries developed a unique method for allowing socialist ideology to manifest in urban spaces. The theory of the microdistrict was invented to establish self-contained urban units that included both housing and public amenities and resulted in a tremendous change in the planning of communist cities. Because crodistricts satisfied the communities’ social requirements and facilitated mass produced urban housing, the North Korean regime enthusiastically appropriated the microdistrict concept to fit its own reality. This theory has been applied to the country’s urban projects since 1955, a time when the urban population grew rapidly and construction boomed. The design and construction of microdistricts reflected North Korea’s power relation and substantially impacted everyday life. Thus, to more thoroughly understand post-war North Korean society and its urban planning principles, the microdistrict theory should be carefully examined. In light of this historical background, this paper analyses urban projects that were designed based on this theory and explores the impact of the microdistrict theory on the structure of large cities in North Korea.
20世紀(jì)50年代，蘇聯(lián)和其他共產(chǎn)主義國家開發(fā)了一種獨(dú)特的方法，讓社會主義意識形態(tài)在城市空間中得以體現(xiàn)氏身。微區(qū)理論的發(fā)明是為了建立包括住房和公共設(shè)施在內(nèi)的自給自足的城市單元巍棱，并導(dǎo)致了共產(chǎn)主義城市規(guī)劃的巨大變化。由于crodistricts滿足了社區(qū)的社會需求蛋欣，并促進(jìn)了大規(guī)模生產(chǎn)的城市住房航徙，朝鮮政權(quán)熱情地采納了microdistrict的概念，以適應(yīng)其自身的現(xiàn)實(shí)陷虎。這一理論自1955年以來一直應(yīng)用于該國的城市項(xiàng)目到踏，當(dāng)時(shí)城市人口快速增長，建筑業(yè)蓬勃發(fā)展尚猿。微區(qū)的設(shè)計(jì)和建設(shè)反映了朝鮮的權(quán)力關(guān)系窝稿，并對日常生活產(chǎn)生了重大影響。因此凿掂，為了更徹底地了解戰(zhàn)后朝鮮社會及其城市規(guī)劃原則伴榔，應(yīng)該仔細(xì)研究微區(qū)理論。鑒于這一歷史背景庄萎，本文分析了基于該理論設(shè)計(jì)的城市項(xiàng)目踪少，并探討了微區(qū)理論對朝鮮大城市結(jié)構(gòu)的影響。
Introduction
During the post-Korean War era that spanned from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s, the theory of the microdistrict, called mikrorayon in Russian and soguyeok in Korean, had a strong influence on the formation of North Korea’s cities. To facilitate the smooth acceptance of this model, the North Korean regime constructed several model housing estates based on the microdistrict theory, examined any resulting problems from multiple perspectives, and established design criteria that were applicable to all North Korean cities. Li Sun-Gwon and Baek Wan-Gi’s 1963 book The Planning of Microdistricts (Jutaek soguyeok gyehoek) integrated the efforts of North Korean architects and planners by identifying 14 large cities in North Korea that implemented housing based on this theory.1
在20世紀(jì)50年代中期至70年代中期的后朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭時(shí)期惨恭，俄羅斯稱為mikrorayon秉馏，韓國稱為soguyeok的微區(qū)理論對朝鮮城市的形成產(chǎn)生了重大影響。為了促進(jìn)這一模式的順利接受脱羡，朝鮮政權(quán)根據(jù)微區(qū)理論建造了幾個(gè)示范住宅區(qū)萝究，從多個(gè)角度研究了由此產(chǎn)生的問題，并制定了適用于所有朝鮮城市的設(shè)計(jì)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)锉罐。李新光和裴萬吉在1963年出版的《小區(qū)規(guī)劃》（Jutaek soguyeok gyehoek）一書中帆竹，通過確定朝鮮14個(gè)根據(jù)這一理論實(shí)施住房的大城市，綜合了朝鮮建筑師和規(guī)劃師的努力脓规。1
In the aftermath of the Korean War, North Korea’s circumstances made microdistricts particularly relevant and important. The country’s cities had been destroyed and levelled, and the North Korean regime needed an integrated model for large-scale development that not only reflected its political ideology, economic policies, and social institutions but also facilitated housing construction. Microdistrict theory and standardized housing models were effectively combined to organize the urban space based on the socialist way of life.
朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束后栽连，朝鮮的情況使得微型區(qū)特別重要。該國的城市已經(jīng)被摧毀和夷為平地侨舆，朝鮮政權(quán)需要一個(gè)大規(guī)模發(fā)展的綜合模式秒紧，該模式不僅反映其政治意識形態(tài)、經(jīng)濟(jì)政策和社會制度挨下，而且還促進(jìn)住房建設(shè)熔恢。微區(qū)理論與標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化住房模式有效結(jié)合，以社會主義生活方式組織城市空間臭笆。
Similar to neighbourhood unit theory in capitalist states, microdistrict theory adopted both social and spatial-technical dimensions. In addition to envisioning social relationships within self-contained urban communities, microdistrict theory also included urbanistic criteria and design details such as block size, density, population, and the disposition of public amenities. Although these two dimensions – social and technical – are intertwined, they can also have their own autonomous domains, which can make it difficult to fully understand the meaning embodied in microdistrict theory. Therefore, we address these two domains simultaneously based on the particular situation of North Korean society during the post-war era.
與資本主義國家的鄰里單位理論類似叙淌，微區(qū)理論采用了社會和空間技術(shù)兩個(gè)維度秤掌。除了設(shè)想自給自足的城市社區(qū)內(nèi)的社會關(guān)系外，微區(qū)理論還包括城市標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和設(shè)計(jì)細(xì)節(jié)鹰霍，如街區(qū)大小闻鉴、密度、人口和公共設(shè)施的配置茂洒。盡管這兩個(gè)維度——社會和技術(shù)——交織在一起孟岛，但它們也可以有自己的自治域，這使得很難完全理解微區(qū)理論所體現(xiàn)的含義获黔。因此蚀苛，我們根據(jù)戰(zhàn)后朝鮮社會的特殊情況同時(shí)處理這兩個(gè)領(lǐng)域。
With this goal in mind, it is essential to clarify the process of applying the microdistrict theory to North Korean cities. North Korean planners established norms that were put into practice through urban projects, and the analysis of this transformation is an important aspect of this study. In addition, we will illuminate the formation of North Korea’s social framework through urban design and its effect on everyday life. In Foucauldian terms, ‘space is a vital part of the battle for control and surveillance of individuals’.2 In North Korea, urban design assumed the dominant role of penetrating the world of domestic life. This erasure of the division between public and private life in North Korean urban and dwelling space created a unique lifestyle very different to that in the capitalist world.玷氏、
考慮到這一目標(biāo)堵未，有必要澄清將微區(qū)理論應(yīng)用于朝鮮城市的過程。朝鮮規(guī)劃者制定了通過城市項(xiàng)目付諸實(shí)施的規(guī)范盏触，對這一轉(zhuǎn)變的分析是本研究的一個(gè)重要方面渗蟹。此外，我們還將通過城市設(shè)計(jì)闡明朝鮮社會框架的形成及其對日常生活的影響赞辩。用复蒲浚柯的話說，“空間是控制和監(jiān)視個(gè)人斗爭的重要組成部分”辨嗽。2在朝鮮世落，城市設(shè)計(jì)在滲透家庭生活世界方面發(fā)揮了主導(dǎo)作用。這種對朝鮮城市和居住空間中公共生活和私人生活劃分的抹殺創(chuàng)造了一種與資本主義世界截然不同的獨(dú)特生活方式
The social meaning of the microdistrict theory in North Korea
朝鮮微區(qū)理論的社會意義
Interestingly, diverse discussions of the self-contained urban unit erupted in the 1920s independent of political ideology. The concept of a neighbourhood was not specifically addressed by Western urban planners until the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. However, as the suburban areas around large American cities grew in the 1920s, urban planners researched the size and amenities necessary for neighbourhood units. This line of research led to the publication of Clarence A. Perry’s 1929 paper entitled The Neighborhood Unit. The Soviet Union explored a similar concept, but its social meaning was different, emerging from comprehensive efforts to find settlement patterns compatible with socialist ideology. In the 1920s, a new concept of urban units called sotsgorod in industrial cities surfaced as an important theme, and in the 1930s, Stalin-era planners created a type of urban block called kvartal (кварта′л, or quarters) as independent urban units. The kvartal took root as one of the principal guidelines to control urban form and density in large cities of the Soviet Union.
有趣的是糟需，在20世紀(jì)20年代屉佳，獨(dú)立于政治意識形態(tài)，對獨(dú)立的城市單元展開了各種各樣的討論洲押。直到十九世紀(jì)和二十世紀(jì)初武花，西方城市規(guī)劃者才明確提出鄰里的概念。然而杈帐，20世紀(jì)20年代体箕，隨著美國大城市周圍郊區(qū)的發(fā)展，城市規(guī)劃師研究了鄰里單元所需的面積和設(shè)施挑童。這一系列研究導(dǎo)致了克拉倫斯·A·佩里1929年發(fā)表的論文《鄰里單位》累铅。蘇聯(lián)探索了一個(gè)類似的概念，但其社會意義有所不同站叼，它是在尋找符合社會主義意識形態(tài)的定居模式的綜合努力中產(chǎn)生的娃兽。20世紀(jì)20年代，工業(yè)城市中出現(xiàn)了一種稱為sotsgorod的新的城市單元概念酿秸，這是一個(gè)重要的主題。20世紀(jì)30年代往弓，斯大林時(shí)代的規(guī)劃者創(chuàng)建了一種稱為kvartal的城市街區(qū)缓升，作為獨(dú)立的城市單元。kvartal作為蘇聯(lián)大城市控制城市形態(tài)和密度的主要指南之一扎根沾鳄。
However, the Stalinist kvartal could not afford sufficient large-scale construction to solve the deteriorating housing shortage. Therefore, the Soviet government changed its housing policy to promote effective construction by maximizing standardization and prefabrication. Based on this approach, Soviet architects developed an apartment model known as Khrushchyovka (хрущёвка), which diffused over communist countries in collaboration with the theory of the microdistrict. At the fifth Congress of the International Union of Architects (IUA) held in Moscow in 1958, delegates approved a resolution that ‘The planning construction of housing must be based on the principle of the microdistrict’,3 the size of which depends on realistic economic, geographical, and social conditions. From then on, the theory of the microdistrict became a basic principle of city planning in communist countries. According to S. Strumilin, this theory could promote the purpose of a socialist society by supporting collectivized living for workers and releasing women from the drudgery of housework.4 Thus, the microdistrict extended beyond its spatial-technical dimensions to achieve cultural and social significance. We can observe these dual dimensions in the microdistricts of North Korea.
然而，斯大林主義者克瓦塔爾負(fù)擔(dān)不起足夠的大規(guī)模建設(shè)來解決日益惡化的住房短缺問題。因此冲泥，蘇聯(lián)政府改變了住房政策，通過最大限度地標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化和預(yù)制來促進(jìn)有效建設(shè)壁涎》不校基于這一方法，蘇聯(lián)建筑師開發(fā)了一種稱為赫魯曉夫卡（Khrushchyovka）的公寓模型怔球，該模型與微區(qū)理論一起在共產(chǎn)主義國家傳播嚼酝。1958年在莫斯科舉行的國際建筑師聯(lián)合會（IUA）第五屆大會上，代表們批準(zhǔn)了一項(xiàng)決議竟坛，即“住房的規(guī)劃建設(shè)必須基于微型區(qū)原則”闽巩，3微型區(qū)的大小取決于現(xiàn)實(shí)的經(jīng)濟(jì)、地理和社會條件担汤。從那時(shí)起涎跨，微區(qū)理論成為共產(chǎn)主義國家城市規(guī)劃的基本原則。根據(jù)S.Strumilin的觀點(diǎn)崭歧，這一理論可以通過支持工人的集體化生活和將婦女從繁重的家務(wù)勞動中解放出來來促進(jìn)社會主義社會的目標(biāo)隅很。4因此，微區(qū)超越了其空間技術(shù)維度率碾，實(shí)現(xiàn)了文化和社會意義叔营。我們可以在朝鮮的小區(qū)域觀察到這種雙重維度。
The formation of social frameworks
社會框架的形成
When Soviet forces began amphibious landings in Korea on 14 August 1945 and rapidly took over the north of the country just after the end of the Second World War, the Korean peninsula divided into two states. Afterwards, North Korean leaders tried to build a socialist state through diverse legal systems. On 5 March 1946, Kim Il Sung, then the head of the interim people’s committee, promulgated the land reform that legalized the confiscation of all land. In the same year, the North Korean leaders published 20 platforms (Gangryeong) that served as a constitution, clarifying the government’s character and its basic mission. These platforms specified equal rights for the sexes, including an eight-hour workday and reform of the educational system. Due to the Korean War, however, further progress was not made.
1945年8月14日播掷，蘇聯(lián)軍隊(duì)開始兩棲登陸朝鮮审编，并在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后迅速占領(lǐng)朝鮮北部，朝鮮半島分裂為兩個(gè)國家歧匈。后來垒酬，朝鮮領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人試圖通過不同的法律制度建立一個(gè)社會主義國家。1946年3月5日件炉，時(shí)任臨時(shí)人民委員會主席的金日成頒布了土地改革勘究，使沒收所有土地合法化。同年斟冕，朝鮮領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人發(fā)表了20個(gè)政綱（Gangryeong）口糕，作為一部憲法，明確了政府的性質(zhì)及其基本使命磕蛇。這些平臺規(guī)定了男女平等的權(quán)利景描，包括八小時(shí)工作日和教育制度改革十办。然而，由于朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭超棺，沒有取得進(jìn)一步的進(jìn)展向族。
The Korean Armistice Agreement was signed on 27 July 1953. Joseph Stalin’s death several months earlier reshaped the East Asian political landscape. Khrushchev’s de-Stalinization programme put intense pressure on the Stalinist governments of China and North Korea and led toserious conflicts particularly between the Soviet Union and China. Kim responded to the leadership change in the Soviet Union with sensitivity under pressure from these circumstances. When Kim visited Moscow on 20 April 1955, he was encouraged to fundamentally modify his country’s existing policies.5 Thereafter, the North Korean regime changed course, advancing light industry and agriculture alongside heavy industry. North Korea also began to establish various laws and regulations related to the everyday life of its citizens. Such attempts mirrored Khrushchev’s reforms during the 1950s. The introduction of microdistricts was thus inextricably linked to contemporaneous circumstances.
1953年7月27日簽署了《朝鮮停戰(zhàn)協(xié)定》。約瑟夫·斯大林幾個(gè)月前去世棠绘，重塑了東亞政治格局件相。赫魯曉夫的去斯大林化計(jì)劃給中國和朝鮮的斯大林政府施加了巨大壓力，并導(dǎo)致了嚴(yán)重的沖突氧苍，特別是蘇聯(lián)和中國之間的沖突夜矗。在這些環(huán)境的壓力下，金正恩以敏感的態(tài)度回應(yīng)了蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的更迭让虐。1955年4月20日紊撕，金正恩訪問莫斯科時(shí)，他被鼓勵(lì)從根本上修改國家現(xiàn)有政策澄干。5此后逛揩，朝鮮政權(quán)改變了方向，在重工業(yè)的同時(shí)推進(jìn)輕工業(yè)和農(nóng)業(yè)麸俘。朝鮮還開始制定與公民日常生活有關(guān)的各種法律法規(guī)辩稽。這些嘗試反映了赫魯曉夫在20世紀(jì)50年代的改革。因此从媚，微區(qū)的引入與當(dāng)時(shí)的環(huán)境密不可分逞泄。
A social framework addressing education, women, labour, status classification, and a monitoring system was formed in approximately 1958. The year 1958 marks a significant moment in the history of North Korea: when Kim Il Sung took over as the main political power, paving the way towards indefinite seizure of power. This is when the Chollima movement began in earnest. Following in the footsteps of the Soviet Union, North Korea also expedited the construction of standardized mass housing, women’s participation in economic activities, the establishment of obligatory education, and the distribution of goods. These social systems took shape in urban spaces with the planning of microdistricts, which served as a guideline for massive construction of housing through the rise of Kim Jong Il in 1973.
大約在1958年，建立了一個(gè)處理教育拜效、婦女喷众、勞動、地位分類和監(jiān)測系統(tǒng)的社會框架紧憾。1958年是朝鮮歷史上的一個(gè)重要時(shí)刻：金日成接任朝鮮主要政權(quán)到千，為無限期奪取政權(quán)鋪平了道路。這就是千里馬運(yùn)動真正開始的時(shí)候赴穗。繼蘇聯(lián)之后憔四，朝鮮還加快了標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化集體住房建設(shè)、婦女參與經(jīng)濟(jì)活動般眉、義務(wù)教育和商品分配了赵。這些社會體系是在城市空間中通過小區(qū)規(guī)劃形成的，在1973年金正日的崛起期間甸赃，小區(qū)規(guī)劃成為大規(guī)模住房建設(shè)的指導(dǎo)方針柿汛。
To ease the labour shortage it faced during its construction boom, the North Korean regime used women’s labour. Classical Marxists of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had developed a theoretical framework tying the fight for women’s liberation to the struggle for socialism. In line with this notion, the North Korean regime enacted laws pertaining to women immediately after the state’s liberation. In 1957, the North Korean regime introduced a five-year plan that included deploying more women workers on shop floors. This idea was legalized in Cabinet Decision No. 84, ‘On the deployment of more women’s labour forces in economic sectors’, published on 19 July 1958.6 To make women participate in every sector of the economy, the North Korean cabinet decided the following: (1) to increase the proportion of women working in education and public health sectors to over 60% and in other sectors to over 30%; (2) to replace men and employ women in job positions in which women can work; (3) to create nurseries, kindergartens, and common laundry facilities using existing public institution buildings and enterprises to guarantee women’s social activities; (4) to implement diverse time-based wage systems to extensively employ women in workplaces and to operate tailored kindergartens according to working time; and (5) to increase the number of women attending colleges, training schools, and vocational schools. The third clause of the decision?– which addressed women’s housework and the provision of childcare facilities – was reflected in microdistrict planning. To reduce women’s housekeeping demands, rice factories, food factories, and domestic workshops were installed in the microdistricts. Based on these efforts, the female portion of the workforce rose from 19.9% in 1956 to 38.5% in 1964 and to 45.5% in 1971.7
為了緩解建筑業(yè)繁榮時(shí)期面臨的勞動力短缺，朝鮮政權(quán)使用了女性勞動力埠对。十九世紀(jì)和二十世紀(jì)初的經(jīng)典馬克思主義者發(fā)展了一個(gè)理論框架络断，將爭取婦女解放的斗爭與爭取社會主義的斗爭聯(lián)系起來裁替。根據(jù)這一理念，朝鮮政權(quán)在國家解放后立即頒布了有關(guān)婦女的法律貌笨。1957年胯究，朝鮮政權(quán)推出了一項(xiàng)五年計(jì)劃，其中包括在車間部署更多女工躁绸。這一想法在1958年7月19日公布的內(nèi)閣第84號決定“關(guān)于在經(jīng)濟(jì)部門部署更多婦女勞動力”中合法化。6為了讓婦女參與經(jīng)濟(jì)的各個(gè)部門臣嚣，朝鮮內(nèi)閣決定如下：（1）將在教育和公共衛(wèi)生部門工作的婦女比例提高到60%以上净刮，在其他部門工作的婦女比例提高到30%以上；（2） 取代男子并雇用婦女擔(dān)任婦女可以工作的職位硅则；（3） 利用現(xiàn)有公共機(jī)構(gòu)建筑和企業(yè)建立托兒所淹父、幼兒園和公共洗衣設(shè)施，以保障婦女的社會活動怎虫；（4） 實(shí)施多種基于時(shí)間的工資制度暑认，在工作場所廣泛雇用婦女，并根據(jù)工作時(shí)間開辦量身定制的幼兒園大审；（5）增加上大學(xué)蘸际、培訓(xùn)學(xué)校和職業(yè)學(xué)校的婦女人數(shù)。該決定的第三條——涉及婦女家務(wù)和提供托兒設(shè)施——反映在小區(qū)規(guī)劃中徒扶。為了減少婦女的家務(wù)需求粮彤，在微型區(qū)設(shè)立了稻米廠、食品廠和家庭作坊姜骡〉挤兀基于這些努力，女性勞動力比例從1956年的19.9%上升到1964年的38.5%和1971年的45.5%圈澈。7
North Korea’s educational system influenced the block sizes in the planning of microdistricts. Before the Korean War, North Korea’s school system had consisted of a four-year elementary school, a three-year junior middle school, a three-year senior middle school, and a four-year college. However, the Supreme People’s Assembly of the Korean Workers’ Party passed a bill on 10 October 1959 that modified this system. In place of the senior middle school, a two-year technical school and a two-year high technical school were created. This modification was made to prepare for the nine-year obligatory education (four years, three years, and two years) for all students in 1966.8 The new system focused on technical education because the absence of skilled workers was a serious barrier to North Korea’s economic development. However, this school system confused the East German architects in charge of rebuilding Hamhung, the second largest city in North Korea. Because elementary school in North Korea lasted only four years, there were fewer students to be accommodated than in German schools, which meant that German criteria were not readily applicable to North Korea and had to be adapted.
朝鮮的教育制度影響了小區(qū)規(guī)劃中的街區(qū)規(guī)模惫周。朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭前，朝鮮的學(xué)校體系由四年制小學(xué)康栈、三年制初中递递、三年制高中和四年制大學(xué)組成。然而谅将，朝鮮勞動黨最高人民會議于1959年10月10日通過了一項(xiàng)法案漾狼，修改了這一制度。建立了一所兩年制技術(shù)學(xué)校和一所兩年制高中饥臂，以取代高中逊躁。這項(xiàng)修改是為了為1966年所有學(xué)生的九年義務(wù)教育（四年、三年和兩年）做準(zhǔn)備隅熙。8新的制度側(cè)重于技術(shù)教育稽煤，因?yàn)槿狈κ炀毠と耸浅r經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的嚴(yán)重障礙核芽。然而，這一學(xué)校體系讓負(fù)責(zé)重建朝鮮第二大城市咸興的東德建筑師感到困惑酵熙。因?yàn)槌r的小學(xué)只持續(xù)了四年轧简，要容納的學(xué)生比德國學(xué)校要少，這意味著德國的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)不容易適用于朝鮮匾二，必須加以調(diào)整哮独。
Since the late 1950s, the North Korean regime has tightly controlled the everyday lives of its people by means of diverse social systems. The North Korean regime organized networks to strengthen its ability to control and monitor its citizens by means of a classification system that utilized individuals’ backgrounds and political tendencies. North Korean totalitarianism was maintained through several powerful methods of social control, the most elaborate and intrusive of which was the songbun classification system. The songbun system subdivides the country’s population into 51 categories – or ranks – of trustworthiness and loyalty to the Kim family and to the North Korean state. These categories are grouped into three broad castes: the core, wavering, and hostile classes. In a 1958 speech, Kim Il Sung reported that the core, wavering, and hostile classes represented 25%, 55%, and 20% of the population, respectively.9 Although its rate varied over time, such classification led to the stratification of urban spaces and living standards.
自20世紀(jì)50年代末以來，朝鮮政權(quán)通過各種社會制度嚴(yán)格控制人民的日常生活察藐。朝鮮政權(quán)組織網(wǎng)絡(luò)皮璧，通過利用個(gè)人背景和政治傾向的分類系統(tǒng)，加強(qiáng)其控制和監(jiān)督公民的能力分飞。朝鮮極權(quán)主義通過幾種強(qiáng)大的社會控制手段得以維持悴务，其中最復(fù)雜和最具侵入性的是songbun分類系統(tǒng)。宋朝制度將朝鮮人口劃分為51個(gè)類別——或等級——對金氏家族和朝鮮國家的信任和忠誠譬猫。這些類別分為三大種姓：核心階層讯檐、動搖階層和敵對階層。在1958年的一次演講中染服，金日成報(bào)告說别洪，核心階級、動搖階級和敵對階級分別占人口的25%柳刮、55%和20%蕉拢。9盡管其比例隨時(shí)間而變化，但這種分類導(dǎo)致了城市空間和生活水平的分層诚亚。
Control was further reinforced by the central distribution system. In its Cabinet Decision No. 102 of 3 November 1957, ‘On the National Sole Sale System of Food’, the North Korean regime abolished the free sale of food and implemented a full distribution system for all workers and office employees. The North Korean regime also announced Cabinet Decision No. 82 on 16 July 1958, ‘On the Improvement of Domestic Commerce’,10 which determined the number and size of commercial facilities by calculating the distribution to and the needs of inhabitants. Accordingly, the irregularly distributed commercial network was unified into a national distribution system where location was decided through microdistrict planning. Implementing this centralized distribution system had a severe impact on the everyday lives of North Koreans by preventing residents from choosing where they live and work. Assigned based on their origins and the classification system, citizens were not permitted to move arbitrarily. In addition, because the distribution of food was based on rank and achievement, socialist competition ensued.11 Many workers formed shock brigades and engaged in competitions to improve their production quality.12
中央分配系統(tǒng)進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)了控制晕换。在其1957年11月3日的內(nèi)閣第102號決定“關(guān)于全國唯一食品銷售制度”中，朝鮮政權(quán)廢除了食品的自由銷售站宗，并對所有工人和辦公室雇員實(shí)行全面的分配制度闸准。朝鮮政權(quán)還在1958年7月16日宣布了內(nèi)閣第82號決定，“關(guān)于改善國內(nèi)商業(yè)”梢灭，10該決定通過計(jì)算居民的分布和需求來確定商業(yè)設(shè)施的數(shù)量和規(guī)模夷家。因此，不規(guī)則分布的商業(yè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)被整合成一個(gè)全國性的配送系統(tǒng)敏释，在這個(gè)系統(tǒng)中库快，位置是通過微區(qū)規(guī)劃確定的。實(shí)施這一集中分配制度對朝鮮人的日常生活產(chǎn)生了嚴(yán)重影響钥顽，使居民無法選擇他們的生活和工作地點(diǎn)义屏。根據(jù)他們的出身和分類制度，公民不得隨意移動。此外闽铐，由于食品的分配是以等級和成就為基礎(chǔ)的蝶怔，社會主義競爭隨之產(chǎn)生。11許多工人組成突擊隊(duì)兄墅，參加競爭踢星，以提高生產(chǎn)質(zhì)量。12
The proximity of living and working spaces served as one of the major principles of socialist urbanism.13 In China, a work unit called a danwei offered its employees lifetime employment and welfare, including public housing and medical care. A typical work unit integrated work, residential, and social facilities in close proximity within one or several walled compounds. This characteristic form had a profound impact on urbanism under Mao.14 North Korea attempted to maintain the?proximity of dwelling and working spaces without placing them together in a single urban unit, as in China. Instead, factories and manufacturing facilities were concentrated in industrial zones, and housing complexes were arranged around these zones. Pyongyang, the capital, retained three industrial zones that had been created in the colonial period. In the 1960s, large-scale housing complexes such as Botongbeol and East Pyongyang were intensively developed around these zones, as illustrated in Figure 1, which shows Pyongyang zoning maps from the 1960s.
靠近生活和工作空間是社會主義城市化的主要原則之一隙咸。13在中國沐悦，一個(gè)名為a danwei的單位為其員工提供終身就業(yè)和福利，包括公共住房和醫(yī)療五督。一個(gè)典型的工作單元將工作所踊、住宅和社會設(shè)施緊密地結(jié)合在一個(gè)或多個(gè)有圍墻的化合物內(nèi)。這種獨(dú)特的形式對毛澤東時(shí)代的城市化產(chǎn)生了深遠(yuǎn)的影響概荷。14朝鮮試圖保持居住和工作空間的接近性，而不是像中國那樣將它們放在一個(gè)單一的城市單元中碌燕。相反误证，工廠和制造設(shè)施集中在工業(yè)區(qū)，住宅綜合體布置在這些區(qū)域周圍修壕。首都平壤保留了殖民時(shí)期建立的三個(gè)工業(yè)區(qū)愈捅。20世紀(jì)60年代，大型住宅綜合體（如Botongbeol和平壤東部）在這些區(qū)域周圍密集開發(fā)慈鸠，如圖1所示蓝谨，該圖顯示了20世紀(jì)60年代平壤的分區(qū)圖。
The socialist way of life and the birth of a new communism
社會主義生活方式與新共產(chǎn)主義的誕生
The social framework of North Korea had many varied effects on daily life. Above all, the construction of mass housing offered physical form to the socialist way of life,15 as the North Korean regime adopted the mass housing policies of the Khrushchev era. On 31 July 1957, the Soviet government announced a new decree, ‘On the Advancement of Housing Construction in the Soviet Union’, after the declaration of Khrushchev’s de-Stalinization plan.16 A core component of Khrushchev’s reform, this law marked the beginning of overcoming the housing crisis. Three months later, the Central Committee of the Korean Worker’s Party increased the rate of prefabrication in housing construction to 50%. The North Korean media continued to emphasize the standardization of design, the industrialization of components, and the mechanization of construction,17 all of which would assist in constructing 14,000 household units in Pyongyang and 16,000 household units in the surrounding region by 1958.18 Kim Il Sung’s regime mobilized the masses in order to cope with labour shortages, limited resources, and low-level technology. The Chollima movement and the so-called myth of Pyongyang Speed were born in 1958. The movement – similar in its purpose and character to the Stakhanovite movement of the Soviet Union and the Great Leap Forward of China – was a campaign?of mass mobilization dependent on ‘volunteer’ labour. White-collar workers and students were required to assist in rapid urban reconstruction projects.19
朝鮮的社會結(jié)構(gòu)對日常生活產(chǎn)生了許多不同的影響青团。最重要的是譬巫，集體住房的建設(shè)為社會主義生活方式提供了物質(zhì)形式，15因?yàn)槌r政權(quán)采用了赫魯曉夫時(shí)代的集體住房政策督笆。1957年7月31日芦昔，在宣布赫魯曉夫的去斯大林化計(jì)劃后，蘇聯(lián)政府宣布了一項(xiàng)新法令娃肿，“關(guān)于推進(jìn)蘇聯(lián)住房建設(shè)”咕缎。16作為赫魯曉夫改革的核心組成部分，這項(xiàng)法律標(biāo)志著克服住房危機(jī)的開始料扰。三個(gè)月后凭豪，朝鮮勞動黨中央委員會將住房建設(shè)中的預(yù)制率提高到50%。朝鮮媒體繼續(xù)強(qiáng)調(diào)設(shè)計(jì)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化晒杈、組件工業(yè)化和施工機(jī)械化嫂伞，17所有這些都將有助于到1958年在平壤建造14000個(gè)家庭單元，在周邊地區(qū)建造16000個(gè)家庭單元。18金日成政權(quán)動員群眾末早，以應(yīng)對勞動力短缺烟馅、資源有限和技術(shù)水平低下的問題。千里馬運(yùn)動和所謂的平壤速度神話誕生于1958年然磷。這場運(yùn)動的目的和性質(zhì)與蘇聯(lián)的斯塔哈諾維特運(yùn)動和中國的大躍進(jìn)相似郑趁，是一場依靠“志愿者”勞動的群眾動員運(yùn)動。要求白領(lǐng)工人和學(xué)生協(xié)助快速城市重建項(xiàng)目姿搜。19
To improve productivity in this movement, the North Korean regime gave special treatment to labourers who exceeded the established goals, honouring them with titles such as ‘effort hero’ or ‘republic hero’. This was similar to the Stakhanovite movement in the Soviet Union, where workers who exceeded production targets could become heroes of socialist labour. In the process, the labourers soon surfaced as a new ruling class, replacing high-ranking officials purged during the August Faction Incident.20 Strong incentives for intense labour were tied to housing. Since the North Korean land reform of 1946 that confiscated land and prohibited its ownership, North Koreans could only rent houses of various sizes. These were assigned based on the classification system and the renter’s status, and rent was paid monthly. Until the late 1980s, when high-rise apartments first appeared in North Korea’s large cities, four housing types were available: types 1 and 2 for common workers and office workers, type 3 for middle-grade officers, and special houses for high-ranking and high-profile officers (Figure 2).21
為了提高這場運(yùn)動的生產(chǎn)率寡润，朝鮮政權(quán)對超過既定目標(biāo)的勞動者給予特殊待遇，授予他們“努力英雄”或“共和國英雄”等稱號舅柜。這類似于蘇聯(lián)的斯塔哈諾維特運(yùn)動梭纹，在那里，超過生產(chǎn)目標(biāo)的工人可以成為社會主義勞動的英雄致份。在此過程中变抽，勞工很快成為新的統(tǒng)治階級，取代了八月派系事件中被清洗的高級官員氮块。20強(qiáng)烈的密集勞動激勵(lì)與住房有關(guān)绍载。自1946年朝鮮土地改革沒收土地并禁止其所有權(quán)以來，朝鮮只能租用各種大小的房屋滔蝉。這些是根據(jù)分類系統(tǒng)和承租人的身份分配的击儡，租金按月支付。直到20世紀(jì)80年代末蝠引，當(dāng)高層公寓首次出現(xiàn)在朝鮮的大城市時(shí)阳谍，有四種住房類型可用：普通工人和辦公室工人的1型和2型，中級官員的3型螃概，以及高級和高調(diào)官員的特殊住房（圖2）矫夯。21
Together with the incentive system, the North Korean regime took advantage of dwelling space to promote social control. This goal penetrated everyday life through the people’s unit. The people’s unit was a basic social group consisting of more than 15 households in which collective and private life coexisted.22 Normally, staircases in apartment buildings served as boundaries separating each unit.23 The head of each unit was the distributor of food, fuel, and necessities and was also the strict monitor of residents’ behaviour. This person was also in charge of mobilizing people for social and national events. Because North Koreans occupied the same housing for long periods of time, it was important to maintain positive, interactive relationships within a unit.24 People’s lifestyles in these units were completely different from those in neighbourhoods or administrative units in capitalist cities, and the surveillance system of North Korea could work on the microlevel with the help of this system. With the formation of the people’s unit, the microdistrict was subdivided into primary living units (chogeup saenghwal danwi), and meeting places to conduct ideological education were added. This development also explains why the single-corridor-access apartment was so popular among the several dwelling types in North Korea.
與激勵(lì)制度一起，朝鮮政權(quán)利用居住空間促進(jìn)社會控制吊洼。這一目標(biāo)貫穿于人民單位的日常生活茧痒。人民單位是一個(gè)基本的社會群體，由15多個(gè)家庭組成融蹂，集體生活和私人生活共存旺订。22通常，公寓樓中的樓梯是分隔每個(gè)單位的邊界超燃。23每個(gè)單位的負(fù)責(zé)人是食品区拳、燃料和食品的分發(fā)者，同時(shí)也是對居民行為的嚴(yán)格監(jiān)控意乓。此人還負(fù)責(zé)動員人們參加社會和國家活動樱调。由于朝鮮人長期居住在同一個(gè)住房中约素，因此在一個(gè)單位內(nèi)保持積極的互動關(guān)系非常重要。24這些單位內(nèi)的人們的生活方式與資本主義城市的街區(qū)或行政單位完全不同笆凌，在這個(gè)系統(tǒng)的幫助下圣猎，朝鮮的監(jiān)視系統(tǒng)可以在微觀層面上工作。隨著人民單位的成立乞而，微型區(qū)被細(xì)分為初級生活單元（chogeup saenghwal danwi）送悔，并增加了進(jìn)行思想教育的會議場所。這一發(fā)展也解釋了為什么單走廊通道公寓在朝鮮的幾種住宅類型中如此流行爪模。
The North Korean regime continued to produce ideological propaganda that concealed social problems and made its own totalitarian system sustainable. For example, rapid construction led to many negative side effects. Although standardized mass housing made a major contribution to solving the housing shortage, it turned the urbanscape of North Korean cities into homogeneous configurations and introduced unfamiliar residential interiors that were incongruous with traditional ways of life. Haste during the construction process also led to many problems. To cope, Kim Il Sung ‘a(chǎn)dvanced enhancing the quality of overall socialist construction as the most important task’,25 and he began to emphasize the intensification of ideological education because he believed that old capitalist thoughts and a vestige of feudalistic ideas could not createconstruction fit for the socialist period.26 Kim Il Sung’s arguments also applied to the North Korean government. Its cabinet decided that the ‘cultural, hygienic, and techno-economic management of rapidly constructed cities can meet the requirements for citizens’ dwelling and cultural living’.27 The Central Committee of the North Korean Federation of All Occupations insisted that ‘parents should raise their children in the communist way of life by reforming themselves into a thorough communist by means of a determined struggle against old customs inherited from the previous generation’.2
朝鮮政權(quán)繼續(xù)進(jìn)行意識形態(tài)宣傳欠啤，掩蓋社會問題，使自己的極權(quán)制度得以維持屋灌。例如洁段，快速施工導(dǎo)致了許多負(fù)面影響。盡管標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化的大眾住房為解決住房短缺做出了重大貢獻(xiàn)共郭，但它將朝鮮城市的城市景觀變成了同質(zhì)化配置祠丝，并引入了與傳統(tǒng)生活方式不協(xié)調(diào)的陌生住宅內(nèi)部。施工過程中的匆忙也導(dǎo)致了許多問題除嘹。為此写半，金日成“將提高社會主義全面建設(shè)的質(zhì)量作為首要任務(wù)”，25他開始強(qiáng)調(diào)加強(qiáng)思想教育憾赁，因?yàn)樗J(rèn)為舊資本主義思想和封建殘余思想無法創(chuàng)造適合社會主義時(shí)期的建筑。26金日成的論點(diǎn)也適用于朝鮮政府散吵。內(nèi)閣決定"文化,衛(wèi)生,龙考，而快速建設(shè)的城市的技術(shù)經(jīng)濟(jì)管理可以滿足公民居住和文化生活的要求。27朝鮮各行各業(yè)聯(lián)合會中央委員會堅(jiān)持“父母應(yīng)該用共產(chǎn)主義的生活方式撫養(yǎng)孩子矾睦，通過在2015年將自己改造成一個(gè)徹底的共產(chǎn)主義者晦款。”堅(jiān)決反對從上一代繼承下來的舊習(xí)俗的手段”
Therefore, everyday spaces were required to be cultural and hygienic and to reflect a socialist way of life. A generation of new communists in North Korea was born in these spaces. They were?supermen who selflessly laboured for the new communist state. As a result, North Korea’s social system succeeded in raising a thoroughly obedient human type. Today, those who visit North Korea29 are struck by finding that the North Korean’s reality is completely trapped within a liar’s box. Deprived of any chance to choose another reality, they are struggling to be faithful to the present (Figure 3).
因此枚冗，要求日郴航Γ空間具有文化性和衛(wèi)生性，并反映社會主義生活方式赁温。朝鮮新一代共產(chǎn)黨人就是在這些地方誕生的坛怪。他們是為新的共產(chǎn)主義國家無私勞動的超人。結(jié)果股囊，朝鮮的社會制度成功地培養(yǎng)了一種完全順從的人類類型袜匿。今天，那些訪問朝鮮的人29被發(fā)現(xiàn)朝鮮的現(xiàn)實(shí)完全被困在一個(gè)騙子的盒子里而震驚稚疹。被剝奪了選擇另一個(gè)現(xiàn)實(shí)的機(jī)會居灯，他們正在努力忠實(shí)于現(xiàn)在（圖3）。
The planning and technical criteria of microdistricts in North Korea 朝鮮微區(qū)的規(guī)劃和技術(shù)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)
The origin of the microdistrict in the Soviet Union can be traced to dissatisfaction with the Staliniststyle kvartal (кварта′л). There were serious problems with these 5–6 ha traditional urban blocks. Because public amenities could only be economically provided to 6000–8000 inhabitants per block, the existing blocks – which accommodated only 4000 residents – were too small. Moreover, children walking to schools in different blocks had to cross potentially dangerous roads. The Stalinist housing districts also exhibited inefficient land use because roads occupied 20–25% of the land area.30 The theory of microdistricts emerged to address these problems. After the fifth congress of the IUA in July 1958, North Korea and other communist countries officially accepted the microdistrict as a basic unit of urbanism.
蘇聯(lián)微區(qū)的起源可以追溯到對斯大林風(fēng)格的克瓦塔爾（ааааааааа）的不滿。這5-6公頃的傳統(tǒng)城市街區(qū)存在嚴(yán)重問題怪嫌。由于每個(gè)街區(qū)只能經(jīng)濟(jì)地為6000-8000名居民提供公共設(shè)施义锥，現(xiàn)有街區(qū)（僅容納4000名居民）太小。此外岩灭，步行到不同街區(qū)的學(xué)校的兒童必須穿過潛在危險(xiǎn)的道路拌倍。斯大林主義住宅區(qū)的土地利用效率也很低，因?yàn)榈缆氛加昧?0-25%的土地面積川背。30微區(qū)理論的出現(xiàn)是為了解決這些問題贰拿。1958年7月國際城市聯(lián)盟第五次代表大會后，朝鮮和其他共產(chǎn)主義國家正式接受微區(qū)作為城市化的基本單位熄云。
The microdistrict theory was introduced to North Korea through two channels: the Soviet Union and East Germany. The first mainly came from North Korean students who studied architecture and urban planning in the Soviet Union. Upon their return, these students brought with them the newest planning theories. Kim Jeong-Hui, who played a dominant role in the establishment of plans for Pyongyang in the 1950s, represented this trend. A look at North Korean architectural magazines in the post-war era shows that the Soviet urban planning theories were translated immediately after being published. In the case of East Germany,31 in 1954, a ‘German Work Team’ (Deutsche Arbeitsgruppe, DAG) was dispatched to Hamhung after the East German Politburo agreed with?then Prime Minister Grotewohl that assistance was needed to reconstruct Hamhung.32 Grotewohl appointed his own son Hans Grotewohl, an architect, as the head of the DAG to direct this project. The next year, 143 East German experts comprising city planners, architects, engineers, economic specialists, and master craftsmen landed in Hamhung.33 This self-contained work brigade equipped with modern machines and tools began to rebuild the entire city, including its housing, office buildings, streets, and all other necessary infrastructure (Figures 4 and 5).34
微區(qū)理論通過兩個(gè)渠道傳入朝鮮：蘇聯(lián)和東德膨更。第一批學(xué)生主要來自在蘇聯(lián)學(xué)習(xí)建筑和城市規(guī)劃的朝鮮學(xué)生〗稍剩回國后荚守，這些學(xué)生帶來了最新的規(guī)劃理論。20世紀(jì)50年代在平壤計(jì)劃制定過程中發(fā)揮主導(dǎo)作用的金正輝代表了這一趨勢练般。看看朝鮮戰(zhàn)后的建筑雜志矗漾，蘇聯(lián)的城市規(guī)劃理論一經(jīng)發(fā)表就被翻譯了。就東德而言薄料，31 1954年敞贡，在東德政治局與時(shí)任總理格羅特沃爾達(dá)成協(xié)議，需要援助重建哈蒙后摄职，一個(gè)“德國工作隊(duì)”（Deutsche Arbeitsgruppe誊役，DAG）被派往哈蒙。32格羅特沃爾任命自己的兒子漢斯·格羅特沃爾為建筑師谷市，作為DAG的負(fù)責(zé)人指導(dǎo)該項(xiàng)目蛔垢。第二年申尤，143名東德專家（包括城市規(guī)劃師型型、建筑師、工程師袍睡、經(jīng)濟(jì)專家和工匠大師）抵達(dá)漢中创泄。33這個(gè)配備現(xiàn)代機(jī)器和工具的自給自足的工作隊(duì)開始重建整個(gè)城市艺玲，包括住房、辦公樓鞠抑、街道和所有其他必要的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施（圖4和圖5）
The reconstruction of Hamhung was originally planned as a 10-year project from 1955 to 1964, but it shrank to an eight-year project with the total withdrawal of East German experts in 1962.35 During the first four years (1955–1958), the East German architects constructed 5193 household units and urban structures in Hamhung and Hungnam.36 Their approaches to the design of housing estates followed the Bauhaus tradition under the strong influence of Soviet methods. They also reflected the specific local situation in their planning. Konrad Püschel, a student of Wassily Kandinsky at Bauhaus, was the head of city planning for the Hamhung project from 1955 to 1959.37 In Hamhung, Püschel paid careful attention to the traditional Korean city form and spatial relationships, where, rather than modernity affecting tradition, ‘tradition finds a new context in our society’.38 According to a DAG report, East German architects and planners mentioned the importance of standard criteria for the building-to-land ratio and density of housing estates to enhance the economy and transformed the standard criteria of East Germany into those of North Korea.39 They believed that the main differences came from environmental factors such as climate, geography, soils, and social specificity, such as large family systems.40 However, after exchanging bruising debates over construction methods and cost with Kim Il Sung and North Korean planners, the experts of the DAG began to pull out of the housing construction since 1958, and the East German government decided to sharply reduce its aid to North Korea in 1960.41
Hamhung的重建最初計(jì)劃從1955年到1964年板驳，為期10年，但隨著1962年東德專家全部撤離碍拆，該項(xiàng)目縮減為8年若治。35在頭四年（1955-1958年）慨蓝，東德建筑師在Hamhung和Hunnam建造了5193個(gè)家庭單元和城市結(jié)構(gòu)。36在蘇聯(lián)方法的強(qiáng)烈影響下端幼，他們的住宅區(qū)設(shè)計(jì)方法遵循包豪斯傳統(tǒng)礼烈。他們在規(guī)劃中也反映了當(dāng)?shù)氐木唧w情況∑排埽康拉德·皮舍爾（Konrad Püschel）是包豪斯大學(xué)瓦西里·康定斯基（Wassily Kandinsky）的學(xué)生此熬，1955年至1959年期間擔(dān)任咸興項(xiàng)目的城市規(guī)劃負(fù)責(zé)人。37在咸興滑进，皮舍爾非常關(guān)注韓國傳統(tǒng)的城市形態(tài)和空間關(guān)系犀忱，而不是現(xiàn)代性對傳統(tǒng)的影響，“傳統(tǒng)在我們的社會中找到了新的背景”扶关。38根據(jù)DAG的一份報(bào)告阴汇，東德建筑師和規(guī)劃師提到了房地產(chǎn)建筑與土地比率和密度的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)對于促進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的重要性，并將東德的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)槌r的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)节槐。39他們認(rèn)為搀庶，主要差異來自氣候、地理铜异、哥倔，然而，在與金日成和朝鮮規(guī)劃師就建筑方法和成本進(jìn)行激烈辯論后揍庄，DAG的專家從1958年開始退出住房建設(shè)咆蒿，1960年，東德政府決定大幅減少對朝鮮的援助蚂子。41
Size of microdistricts
It was not until East German architects established their reconstruction plan for Hamhung that schools became a central factor in housing estate design. The architects selected schools as their criterion for calculating the anticipated number of residents and the size of housing estates.42 However, a problem emerged because the school systems of these two states were different. Until 1959, North Korea’s system included four years of elementary school, three years of junior middle school, and three years of senior middle school.43 Thus, German architects assumed seven years (elementary school plus junior middle school) to be the equivalent of German elementary school. However, due to the lack of schools, the North Korean regime implemented a three-rotation system using the buildings at different times, so that the number of students in a given school tripled. If a three-rotation system and seven-year school was assumed, the population that a microdistrict could sustain would be approximately 3000, and its size would vary from 8 to 36 ha, depending on building height.
直到東德建筑師為漢興制定了重建計(jì)劃沃测，學(xué)校才成為住宅區(qū)設(shè)計(jì)的核心因素。建筑師選擇學(xué)校作為計(jì)算預(yù)期居民人數(shù)和住宅區(qū)規(guī)模的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)缆镣。42然而芽突，由于這兩個(gè)州的學(xué)校系統(tǒng)不同试浙，出現(xiàn)了一個(gè)問題董瞻。直到1959年，朝鮮的體系包括四年小學(xué)田巴、三年初中和三年高中钠糊。43因此，德國建筑師假設(shè)七年（小學(xué)加初中）相當(dāng)于德國小學(xué)壹哺。然而抄伍，由于缺少學(xué)校，朝鮮政權(quán)在不同的時(shí)間使用建筑物實(shí)行了三輪制管宵，因此某所學(xué)校的學(xué)生人數(shù)增加了三倍截珍。如果假設(shè)采用三輪制和七年制學(xué)校攀甚，那么一個(gè)小區(qū)可維持的人口約為3000人，其面積將根據(jù)建筑高度從8公頃到36公頃不等岗喉。
This standard is clearly documented in the report submitted by the North Korean delegation to the fifth meeting of the IUA in Moscow in July 1958.44 According to the report,
朝鮮代表團(tuán)提交給1958年7月在莫斯科舉行的IUA第五次會議的報(bào)告中明確記錄了該標(biāo)準(zhǔn)秋度。44根據(jù)該報(bào)告，
our aim is to build self-contained residential blocks and neighbourhood units. In some towns, this principle has already made considerable headway…The dimensions of a residential block depend on the number of school-age children accommodated by a single school. On this basis, the population of a block varies from 3000–3500.
我們的目標(biāo)是建造獨(dú)立的住宅大廈和鄰里單位钱床。在一些城鎮(zhèn)荚斯，這一原則已經(jīng)取得了相當(dāng)大的進(jìn)展……住宅區(qū)的規(guī)模取決于一所學(xué)校容納的學(xué)齡兒童數(shù)量。在此基礎(chǔ)上查牌，一個(gè)街區(qū)的人口從3000到3500不等事期。
Subsequently, North Korean experts introduced diverse ideas regarding the size of microdistricts.?Similar to experts in the Soviet Union, they were concerned that under the previous block-centred plan, the rational disposition of schools and kindergartens would not be possible, the division of rest areas and public spaces would be difficult, and the orientation of buildings would be unappealing.45
隨后，朝鮮專家提出了關(guān)于小區(qū)規(guī)模的不同想法纸颜。與蘇聯(lián)的專家類似兽泣，他們擔(dān)心，根據(jù)以前的以街區(qū)為中心的計(jì)劃懂衩，學(xué)校和幼兒園的合理布局將不可能撞叨，休息區(qū)和公共空間的劃分將很困難，建筑物的方向?qū)⒉晃恕?5
Instead, they deemed it urgent to establish a rational scheme, standard, and method tailored to the local situation. Li Sun-Gwon’s article ‘On the rational method of housing section construction by standardized design’ first explored methods of calculating the size of a new microdistrict. He suggested including three variables: living space per person, building height, and the number of students in an elementary school (Table 1).46
相反浊洞，他們認(rèn)為迫切需要根據(jù)當(dāng)?shù)厍闆r制定合理的方案牵敷、標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和方法。李孫冠的文章《標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化設(shè)計(jì)住宅區(qū)建設(shè)的合理方法》首次探索了計(jì)算新小區(qū)規(guī)模的方法法希。他建議包括三個(gè)變量：人均居住空間枷餐、建筑高度和小學(xué)學(xué)生人數(shù)（表1）。46
However, Kim U-Ho’s article ‘On the architectural density in microdistricts’ suggested a different method of calculation. He used microdistricts No. 31 in West Pyongyang and No. 23 on Stalin Street as examples, each consisting of six-storey buildings. Here, the sizes of the microdistricts were expected to be different. According to Kim, if a 10-year, 20-class school were erected, the population would be 7400 and the district should be 11–12 ha in size.47 Compared with other microdistricts, these were smaller and denser because Kim based his calculations on microdistricts from downtown Pyongyang.
然而苫亦，Kim U-Ho在《微區(qū)建筑密度》一文中提出了一種不同的計(jì)算方法毛肋。他以平壤西部的31號微型區(qū)和斯大林街的23號微型區(qū)為例，每個(gè)微型區(qū)由六層樓組成屋剑。在這里润匙，預(yù)計(jì)微區(qū)的大小會有所不同。據(jù)Kim說唉匾，如果建立一所10年20班的學(xué)校孕讳，人口將達(dá)到7400人，該地區(qū)的面積應(yīng)為11-12公頃巍膘。47與其他小區(qū)相比厂财，這些小區(qū)更小，密度更大峡懈，因?yàn)镵im的計(jì)算基于平壤市中心的小區(qū)璃饱。
It became clear that a central criterion in planning a microdistrict should be the number of residents that can sustain a school. However, the Central Design Institute, which was under the umbrella of the National Construction Committee, determined that there should be three types of microdistricts. Each would be tailored to geographical conditions such as site size and form, topography, geological conditions, and location.48 Of the three microdistrict designs, the Central Design Institute drafted a model based on the first option: 35 ha with an anticipated population of 10,800. This is an economical design, with 15% lower construction costs and 40% less paved road area compared to the Stalinist block-centred model (Table 2).49
很明顯，規(guī)劃一個(gè)微型區(qū)的中心標(biāo)準(zhǔn)應(yīng)該是能夠維持一所學(xué)校的居民人數(shù)肪康。然而荚恶，隸屬于國家建設(shè)委員會的中央設(shè)計(jì)院（Central Design Institute）決定撩穿，應(yīng)該有三種類型的微區(qū)。每一個(gè)都將根據(jù)地理?xiàng)l件進(jìn)行調(diào)整谒撼，如場地大小和形式冗锁、地形、地質(zhì)條件和位置嗤栓。48在三個(gè)微型區(qū)設(shè)計(jì)中冻河，中央設(shè)計(jì)院根據(jù)第一個(gè)方案起草了一個(gè)模型：35公頃，預(yù)計(jì)人口10800人茉帅。這是一種經(jīng)濟(jì)的設(shè)計(jì)叨叙，與斯大林式塊中心模型相比，建筑成本降低15%堪澎，鋪砌道路面積減少40%（表2）擂错。49
When Li Sun-Gwon and Baek Wan-Gi published The Planning of Microdistricts in 1963, they synthesized diverse discussions about the size of microdistricts. They believed that to ensure convenient and comfortable living conditions for residents, a school with 880–1200 seats and a kindergarten with 350 seats could become the standard size for microdistricts. Under these guidelines, a suitable size for a microdistrict would be 15–20 ha with 5000–7000 inhabitants50 – smaller than under previous calculation methods. However, a microdistrict of lesser than 10 ha would be too?small to guarantee convenience for residents. Reducing construction costs was another important factor. Because the construction costs of paved roads, water supplies, sewer systems, and heating systems depended on the microdistrict size, it was essential to find a suitable balance among these requirements.51 Thus, considering requirements such as convenience for residents, working conditions, transportation, the economics of urban construction, city size, and building height, they concluded that a microdistrict covering 15–30 ha and housing 5000–10,000 inhabitants would be most suitable for North Korea, as demonstrated in contemporary North Korean cities. Statistically, the average size of microdistricts in 14 cities (Pyongyang, Hamhung, Chongjin, Wonsan, Sariwon, Sinuiju, Kaesong, Kanggye, Haeju, Hyesan, Songrim, Nampo, Kimchaek, and Sinpo) is 15–25 ha with building heights of four to five storeys (Figure 6).
1963年，李孫冠和白萬吉發(fā)表了《小區(qū)規(guī)劃》樱蛤，他們綜合了關(guān)于小區(qū)規(guī)模的各種討論钮呀。他們認(rèn)為，為了確保居民的生活條件方便舒適昨凡，一所880-1200座的學(xué)校和一所350座的幼兒園可以成為微型區(qū)的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)規(guī)模爽醋。根據(jù)這些指導(dǎo)原則，一個(gè)小區(qū)的合適面積為15-20公頃便脊，居民為5000-7000人蚂四，比以前的計(jì)算方法小50人。不過哪痰，一個(gè)不足10公頃的小區(qū)太小遂赠，無法保證居民的方便。降低建筑成本是另一個(gè)重要因素晌杰。由于鋪砌道路跷睦、供水、下水道系統(tǒng)和供暖系統(tǒng)的建設(shè)成本取決于小區(qū)規(guī)模肋演，因此必須在這些要求之間找到適當(dāng)?shù)钠胶狻?/u>51因此抑诸，考慮到居民便利、工作條件惋啃、交通哼鬓、城市建設(shè)的經(jīng)濟(jì)性等要求监右，根據(jù)城市規(guī)模和建筑高度边灭，他們得出結(jié)論，一個(gè)占地15-30公頃健盒、居住5000-10000居民的微型區(qū)最適合朝鮮绒瘦，正如當(dāng)代朝鮮城市所證明的那樣称簿。據(jù)統(tǒng)計(jì)，14個(gè)城市（平壤惰帽、咸興憨降、崇晉、元山该酗、沙里汶授药、新義州、開城呜魄、康吉悔叽、海州、惠山爵嗅、松林娇澎、南浦、金澤和新浦）的小區(qū)平均面積為15-25公頃睹晒，建筑高度為4-5層（圖6）趟庄。
Building layout and transportation 建筑布局與交通
Just as determining the ideal size of a microdistrict presented challenges, so did determining the layout of its buildings. In approaching this problem, architects had to consider a combination of urbanscape, housing type, structure height, distance between buildings, and transportation. In Kim Jeong- Hui’s Urban Construction, published in 1953, the layout of buildings was heavily influenced by Stalinist- era tenets. Buildings were located on the perimeters of traditional urban blocks (kvartal, or ‘quarters’). According to Kim, this arrangement was convenient for residents, protected the inside of urban blocks from heavy traffic, subordinated individual buildings to the overall composition of the urbanscape, and avoided isolation of buildings.52 This layout dominated the reconstruction plans of North Korean cities in the mid-1950s,53 as shown in the initial layouts of Pyongyang and Hamhung.
正如確定一個(gè)微型小區(qū)的理想規(guī)模面臨挑戰(zhàn)一樣，確定其建筑布局也是如此伪很。在解決這個(gè)問題時(shí)戚啥，建筑師必須考慮城市景觀、住宅類型锉试、建筑高度虑鼎、建筑距離和交通的組合。在金正輝1953年出版的《城市建設(shè)》一書中键痛，建筑的布局深受斯大林時(shí)代信條的影響炫彩。建筑位于傳統(tǒng)城市街區(qū)（kvartal，或“宿舍”）的周邊絮短。據(jù)Kim稱江兢，這種安排方便了居民，保護(hù)了城市街區(qū)內(nèi)部免受交通擁擠的影響丁频，使單個(gè)建筑服從城市景觀的整體構(gòu)成杉允，并避免了建筑物的隔離。52這種布局主導(dǎo)了1950年代中期朝鮮城市的重建計(jì)劃席里，53如平壤和咸興的初始布局所示叔磷。
However, this approach changed when microdistricts No. 17 and No. 18 in East Pyongyang were planned in 1955. These districts adhered to the perimeter layout of traditional urban blocks with one difference: the new plan left the blocks’ corners open. This layout added to the openness of the blocks’ inner courtyards. The Hamhung housing complexes designed by East German architects in 1955 embodied a similar layout. Open block corners allowed the buildings to have approximately 3.0–3.5-m-wide inner roads that offered access to each household. However, as these roads became longer, they increased the construction costs of microdistricts and created dangers for children.54 Both of these problems conflicted with the original goals of microdistricts.
然而，當(dāng)1955年平壤東部的第17號和第18號小區(qū)被規(guī)劃時(shí)奖磁，這種方法發(fā)生了變化改基。這些地區(qū)堅(jiān)持傳統(tǒng)城市街區(qū)的周邊布局，但有一個(gè)區(qū)別：新的規(guī)劃讓街區(qū)的角落保持開放咖为。這種布局增加了街區(qū)內(nèi)院的開放性秕狰。1955年由東德建筑師設(shè)計(jì)的Hamhung住宅群體現(xiàn)了類似的布局稠腊。開放式街區(qū)轉(zhuǎn)角允許建筑物有大約3.0–3.5米寬的內(nèi)部道路，為每戶提供通道鸣哀。然而架忌，隨著這些道路變得更長，它們增加了微型區(qū)的建設(shè)成本我衬，并給兒童帶來了危險(xiǎn)叹放。54這兩個(gè)問題都與微型區(qū)的最初目標(biāo)相沖突。
From 1958 to 1961, a different layout dominated microdistrict construction. This approach used the ‘Zeilenbau’ style of row housing, which replaced the older style of urban blocks. Microdistrict No. 59 in East Pyongyang shows that although the block perimeter continued to consist of five-storey buildings to create a consistent urbanscape, the inside of the block changed significantly. Unlike the previous layout, in which one courtyard was surrounded by four buildings, the new layout used parallel rows of four-storey apartment buildings aligned along an east–west orientation. This change occurred after the single-corridor-access apartment style (oerangsik) was widely adopted as the standard building plan. The introduction of prefabrication also influenced this new microdistrict layout. All units within microdistrict No. 59 were built according to four standard plans, which simplified the construction process and reduced the time and labour involved.55 However, the high density of long, monotonous, parallel buildings did not lead to harmony in the urban context. The distance between buildings also failed to meet the requirements. The model microdistrict No. 86 in Daetaryeong, microdistrict No. 87 in West Pyongyang, and the 1959 model microdistrict in Hamhung also shared this layout, but they solved these problems by offering variety in building arrangement.
從1958年到1961年挠羔，不同的布局主導(dǎo)了微區(qū)建設(shè)许昨。這種方法使用了“Zeilenbau”風(fēng)格的排房，取代了舊式的城市街區(qū)褥赊。平壤東部的第59號微區(qū)顯示糕档，盡管街區(qū)周邊仍由五層建筑組成，以形成一致的城市景觀拌喉，但街區(qū)內(nèi)部發(fā)生了重大變化速那。與以前的布局不同，新的布局使用了平行排列的四層公寓樓尿背，沿東西方向排列端仰，其中一個(gè)庭院由四棟建筑包圍。這一變化發(fā)生在單走廊通道公寓式（oerangsik）被廣泛采用為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)建筑平面后田藐。預(yù)制的引入也影響了這種新的微區(qū)布局荔烧。第59號微區(qū)內(nèi)的所有單元均按照四個(gè)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)規(guī)劃進(jìn)行建造，簡化了建造過程汽久，減少了所需的時(shí)間和勞動力鹤竭。55然而，長而單調(diào)的平行建筑的高密度并沒有帶來城市環(huán)境的和諧景醇。建筑物之間的距離也不符合要求臀稚。大太延86號示范小區(qū)、平壤西部87號示范小區(qū)和1959年咸興示范小區(qū)也采用了這種布局三痰，但它們通過提供多樣的建筑布局解決了這些問題吧寺。
Finally, yet another microdistrict layout was introduced between 1961 and 1967, this time using apartment buildings that were 8–12 storeys in height. The 1961 draft of model microdistricts published by the Central Design Institute suggested this new layout.56 Although not used immediately, it was subsequently implemented in model microdistrict No. 74. From this point onward, the practice of surrounding the perimeter of microdistricts with buildings was eliminated.57 Instead, buildings were obliquely aligned in rows. This change resulted from the increasing population density of microdistricts and the construction of high-rise buildings. To break up the monotony of the layouts, North Korean architects aimed to design more open and more diverse urbanscapes. Despite not all rooms having equal sunlight, this layout was more visually appealing. The more open arrangement influenced the inner road systems: street networks changed such that primary living units could be directly accessed only by arterial roads. This arrangement reduced road length, which lowered construction costs and resulted in buildings being situated more freely around primary living units. The 1961 model microdistrict draft consisted of six primary living units, an organic building composition, and inner streets that were directly accessible from the outside of the microdistrict. This design made it possible to build microdistricts on suburban sloped land (Figure 7).58
最后，在1961年至1967年間散劫，又引入了另一種微型小區(qū)布局稚机，這次使用的是8-12層高的公寓樓。中央設(shè)計(jì)院發(fā)布的1961年模型小區(qū)草案提出了這種新布局获搏。56盡管沒有立即使用赖条，但隨后在第74號模型小區(qū)中實(shí)施。從這一點(diǎn)開始，消除了用建筑物包圍小區(qū)周邊的做法谋币。57相反，建筑物成排傾斜排列症概。這一變化是由于微區(qū)人口密度的增加和高層建筑的建造蕾额。為了打破單調(diào)的布局，朝鮮建筑師們致力于設(shè)計(jì)更開放彼城、更多樣化的城市景觀诅蝶。盡管并非所有房間的日照都相同，但這種布局在視覺上更具吸引力募壕。更開放的布局影響了內(nèi)部道路系統(tǒng)：街道網(wǎng)絡(luò)發(fā)生了變化调炬，主要生活單元只能通過主干道直接進(jìn)入。這一安排縮短了道路長度舱馅，從而降低了建筑成本缰泡，使建筑物更自由地位于主要生活單元周圍。1961年的微型區(qū)模型草案包括六個(gè)主要生活單元代嗤、一個(gè)有機(jī)的建筑組合以及可從微型區(qū)外部直接進(jìn)入的內(nèi)部街道棘钞。這種設(shè)計(jì)使得在郊區(qū)坡地上建造微型小區(qū)成為可能（圖7）。58
Organization of service networks?服務(wù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的組織
The organization of service networks in North Korea’s microdistricts changed over time. Among the first service facilities to be planned were commercial networks, the number and size of which were decided based on the distribution and needs of the residents. This decision was announced in Cabinet Decision No. 82 on 16 July 1958, ‘On the improvement of domestic commerce.’59 The Pyongyang Urban Design Institute implemented it on an urban scale. There were two commercial?networks: general stores selling industrial products and branch stores selling groceries and everyday necessities. One general store was assigned to every 20,000 people and was situated at a maximum radius of 400 m from housing, thereby resulting in a travel time of no more than 6 min on foot. One branch store was assigned to every 5000 people, situated within a maximum radius of 300 m or a 4– 5-min trip on foot. According to this standard, two branch stores were installed in each 15-ha microdistrict, with one general store in every two microdistricts.60
隨著時(shí)間的推移干毅，朝鮮微區(qū)的服務(wù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)組織發(fā)生了變化宜猜。首批規(guī)劃的服務(wù)設(shè)施包括商業(yè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)，其數(shù)量和規(guī)模取決于居民的分布和需求硝逢。這一決定在1958年7月16日的內(nèi)閣第82號決定中宣布姨拥，“關(guān)于改善國內(nèi)商業(yè)”。59平壤城市設(shè)計(jì)院在城市規(guī)模上實(shí)施了這一決定渠鸽。有兩個(gè)商業(yè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)：銷售工業(yè)產(chǎn)品的百貨商店和銷售雜貨和日用品的分店叫乌。每20000人分配一個(gè)普通商店，位于離住房400米的最大半徑處徽缚，因此步行旅行時(shí)間不超過6分鐘综芥。每5000人分配一個(gè)分店，位于最大半徑300米或步行4-5分鐘的范圍內(nèi)猎拨。根據(jù)這一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)膀藐，在每個(gè)15公頃的小區(qū)內(nèi)安裝了兩個(gè)分店，在每兩個(gè)小區(qū)內(nèi)安裝一個(gè)普通商店红省。60
Another point of contention was whether service facilities were to be located in an independent building or on the ground floor of residential buildings. Planners viewed independent buildings as preferable to the ground floor to allow a more flexible organization of interior space and to ensure that children would be safer. Accordingly, although large facilities were recommended for installationin independent buildings, convenience stores were located on the ground floor of housing units.61 This idea is reflected in microdistrict No. 59 of East Pyongyang, designed in December of 1958. In the case of commercial facilities, although a general store was not included in this microdistrict due to its small size, two branch stores – selling everyday necessities and groceries – were included. These stores were constructed as independent buildings and formed the centre of the microdistrict along with educational facilities, baths, and clothing co-ops, all of which were clustered near schools.62 However, once this plan was in place, some problems were revealed: the school was?next to major roads, which made it difficult to guarantee children’s safety, and the centre of this microdistrict was open only on one side and thus did not have an organic relation with the service network.
另一個(gè)爭論點(diǎn)是额各，服務(wù)設(shè)施是位于獨(dú)立建筑物內(nèi)還是位于住宅樓的底層。規(guī)劃者認(rèn)為獨(dú)立建筑比一樓更可取吧恃，以允許更靈活的內(nèi)部空間組織虾啦，并確保兒童更安全。因此，盡管建議在獨(dú)立建筑中安裝大型設(shè)施傲醉，但便利店位于住房單元的底層蝇闭。61這一想法反映在1958年12月設(shè)計(jì)的東平壤第59小區(qū)。就商業(yè)設(shè)施而言硬毕，盡管由于規(guī)模較小呻引，該小區(qū)不包括一家普通商店，但包括兩家分店——銷售日常用品和雜貨吐咳。這些商店是作為獨(dú)立建筑建造的逻悠，與教育設(shè)施、浴室和服裝合作社一起構(gòu)成了微型區(qū)的中心韭脊，所有這些設(shè)施都聚集在學(xué)校附近童谒。62然而，一旦這一計(jì)劃到位沪羔，一些問題就暴露出來了：學(xué)校緊挨著主要道路饥伊，這使得兒童的安全很難得到保障，而這個(gè)小區(qū)的中心只在一側(cè)開放蔫饰，因此與服務(wù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)沒有有機(jī)聯(lián)系撵渡。
Implementation of the microdistricts’ service networks also focused on the effective use of women’s labour. In this context, the communal dining room emerged as an important feature of the service facilities. However, calculating its size was not easy because planners had to consider the traditional family system. During the initial development phase, when East German planners were in charge of the site planning of Hamhung housing complexes, they considered family size to be important in their designs.63 Thus, they proposed a variety of unit types to accommodate different- sized families. Families with four to six members accounted for 46.3% of the anticipated microdistrict population, and families with 9 members accounted for over 5%, which indicated that large families were accounted for during early planning. Accordingly, although a communal restaurant was included in the 1955 plan of microdistrict No. 3, it was understood to play an auxiliary role in providing meals to residents. This planning method continued in the model microdistrict designed by the Hamhung Urban Design Institute in February 1959. Two restaurants with a total area of 900 m2 were situated at the centre of the district, located on the ground floor of a building.64
微型區(qū)服務(wù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的實(shí)施還注重有效利用婦女勞動力。在此背景下死嗦，公共餐廳成為服務(wù)設(shè)施的一個(gè)重要特征趋距。然而，計(jì)算其規(guī)模并不容易越除，因?yàn)橐?guī)劃者必須考慮傳統(tǒng)的家庭系統(tǒng)节腐。在最初的開發(fā)階段，當(dāng)東德規(guī)劃師負(fù)責(zé)Hamhung住宅綜合體的場地規(guī)劃時(shí)摘盆，他們認(rèn)為家庭規(guī)模在設(shè)計(jì)中很重要翼雀。63因此，他們提出了多種單元類型孩擂，以容納不同規(guī)模的家庭狼渊。有4至6名成員的家庭占預(yù)計(jì)小區(qū)人口的46.3%，有9名成員的家庭占5%以上类垦，這表明在早期規(guī)劃期間狈邑，大家庭占了比例。因此蚤认，盡管1955年第3號小區(qū)的規(guī)劃中包括了一家公共餐廳米苹，但據(jù)了解，它在向居民提供膳食方面起著輔助作用砰琢。1959年2月蘸嘶，咸興城市設(shè)計(jì)院設(shè)計(jì)的示范小區(qū)繼續(xù)采用這種規(guī)劃方法良瞧。兩個(gè)總面積為900平方米的餐廳位于該區(qū)的中心，位于一棟大樓的底層训唱。64
However, this plan was modified three months later, most notably with regard to the size of the families it would accommodate. In other words, the new plan reduced the habitable area of each household and increased the number of residents such that one-, two-, and three-room apartments were designed to accommodate most families. Thus, large families were divided into single occupants or nuclear families. Therefore, the urbanization of North Korea in the 1950s broke up traditional family culture. Accordingly, the role of the communal dining room in microdistricts increased in importance. Later, two 660 m2 restaurants were built in addition to the first restaurant, which was 1215 m2.65
然而褥蚯，這項(xiàng)計(jì)劃在三個(gè)月后被修改，最顯著的是它將容納的家庭規(guī)模况增。換言之赞庶，新計(jì)劃減少了每戶的可居住面積，增加了居民數(shù)量巡通，使得一居室尘执、兩居室和三居室公寓的設(shè)計(jì)能夠容納大多數(shù)家庭舍哄。因此宴凉，大家庭被分為單人家庭或核心家庭。因此表悬，朝鮮在20世紀(jì)50年代的城市化打破了傳統(tǒng)的家庭文化弥锄。因此，微型區(qū)公共餐廳的作用越來越重要蟆沫。后來籽暇，除了第一家餐廳1215平方米外，還修建了兩家660平方米的餐廳
This tenet continued in subsequent projects. When planning model microdistrict No. 87 of West Pyongyang, the Pyongyang Urban Design Institute added a food factory and a family restaurant to the existing educational and commercial facilities and examined several ways to design them. The food factory processed vegetables and grains, saving labour for households and providing family restaurants with ready-to-use ingredients. One factory would be built at the centre of every microdistrict with 5000–6000 inhabitants. The family restaurant would provide residents with meals, using the ready-to-use ingredients from the factory. North Korean planners expected that 50% of residents would use these restaurants, as families with children and the elderly were expected to use them. Based on this prediction, a family restaurant, located on the ground floor, was included for every two housing buildings.66
In the 1960s, service facilities in a microdistrict tended to be integrated into another building. At the National Builders Congress in April 1961, Nam Il, then vice prime minister and chief of the National Construction Committee, cited Kim Il Sung’s order and announced four crucial decisions in the construction sector.67 These decisions affected the design of service networks in microdistricts. The National Construction Committee established a principle in May 1961 to integrate public buildings that served similar functions.68 It also emphasized the installation of primary residential units around these integrated buildings. This change was channelled into a model microdistrict draft plan published by the Central Design Institute in December 1961, in which the microdistrict had an integrated public building and six primary residential units. The first floor of the primary residential unit was designed to include a family restaurant, a half-finished products store, and rooms for hygiene instructors in the people’s unit; the second floor held the workshops of domestic manufacturers (Figure 8).69
這一原則在隨后的項(xiàng)目中得以延續(xù)饭庞。平壤城市設(shè)計(jì)院在規(guī)劃平壤西部87號示范小區(qū)時(shí)戒悠，在現(xiàn)有的教育和商業(yè)設(shè)施中增加了一家食品廠和一家家庭餐廳，并研究了幾種設(shè)計(jì)方法舟山。食品工廠加工蔬菜和谷物绸狐，為家庭節(jié)省勞動力，并為家庭餐廳提供現(xiàn)成的配料累盗。將在每個(gè)擁有5000-6000居民的小區(qū)中心建設(shè)一座工廠寒矿。這家家庭餐廳將使用工廠提供的即食食材為居民提供膳食。朝鮮規(guī)劃者預(yù)計(jì)50%的居民會使用這些餐廳若债，因?yàn)轭A(yù)計(jì)有孩子和老人的家庭會使用這些餐廳符相。根據(jù)這一預(yù)測，每兩棟住宅樓就包括一家位于一樓的家庭餐廳蠢琳。66
在20世紀(jì)60年代啊终，一個(gè)微型區(qū)的服務(wù)設(shè)施傾向于整合到另一座建筑中。在1961年4月的全國建筑商大會上傲须，時(shí)任副總理兼國家建設(shè)委員會主任的南日引用了金日成的命令孕索，并宣布了建筑行業(yè)的四項(xiàng)關(guān)鍵決定。67這些決定影響了小區(qū)服務(wù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的設(shè)計(jì)躏碳。1961年5月搞旭，國家建設(shè)委員會制定了一項(xiàng)原則散怖，以整合具有類似功能的公共建筑。68它還強(qiáng)調(diào)在這些綜合建筑周圍安裝初級住宅單元肄渗。這一變化被引導(dǎo)到中央設(shè)計(jì)院于1961年12月發(fā)布的示范微型區(qū)草圖中镇眷，其中微型區(qū)有一座綜合公共建筑和六個(gè)主要住宅單元。主要住宅單元的一樓設(shè)計(jì)包括一個(gè)家庭餐廳翎嫡、一個(gè)半成品商店和人民單元內(nèi)的衛(wèi)生教員房間欠动；第二層是國內(nèi)制造商的車間（圖8）。69
Residential districts and urban centres?住宅區(qū)及市中心
The theory of the microdistrict was soon applied on a larger scale: the residential district (Jutaek Guyeok). The context of this expansion came from the Soviet Union. ‘When the third Party Programme was published, and the XXII Party Congress pointed forth the path to communism in1961, a new driving force was the impending communist future.’70 To foster the proto-communist
微區(qū)理論很快在更大范圍內(nèi)得到應(yīng)用：居住區(qū)（Jutaek Guyeok）惑申。這種擴(kuò)張的背景來自蘇聯(lián)具伍。”當(dāng)?shù)谌h綱領(lǐng)發(fā)表圈驼，黨的第二十二次代表大會在1961年指出了通往共產(chǎn)主義的道路時(shí)人芽，一個(gè)新的推動力是即將到來的共產(chǎn)主義未來。70年绩脆，培育了原共產(chǎn)主義
consciousness of the population, there was a need to supply effective service facilities necessary for everyday life by grouping them in accordance with their frequency of use. The ultimate goal was to realize an ideal socialist city, creating a self-contained community that was clustered within several microdistricts. However, North Korea did not accept the Soviets’ ideological rhetoric, such as a communist future; instead, emphasis was placed on the economy of housing construction.
由于居民的意識萤厅，需要提供日常生活所需的有效服務(wù)設(shè)施，方法是根據(jù)其使用頻率進(jìn)行分組靴迫。最終目標(biāo)是實(shí)現(xiàn)一個(gè)理想的社會主義城市惕味，創(chuàng)建一個(gè)獨(dú)立的社區(qū)，聚集在幾個(gè)小區(qū)內(nèi)玉锌。然而主守，朝鮮不接受蘇聯(lián)的意識形態(tài)言論，比如共產(chǎn)主義的未來；相反，重點(diǎn)放在住房建設(shè)的經(jīng)濟(jì)性上。
This trend was reflected in Nam Il’s speech in 1961, which suggested a wide range of technical innovations for housing units on the urban scale. More precisely, he stressed the following: (1) the hierarchical division among city, county, and ward, considering development potential and regional character; (2) the widespread application of microdistrict planning to reduce the construction costs of infrastructure; and (3) eliminating the existing layout that aligned buildings along streets, thus lowering the costs of urban construction and maintenance.71 The purpose of these measures was to anticipate everything necessary for urban construction and to complete construction projects without waste. Accordingly, urban planners reconsidered existing designs and drew up new plans to reduce construction costs.
這一趨勢反映在Nam Il 1961年的演講中，該演講建議在城市范圍內(nèi)對住房單元進(jìn)行廣泛的技術(shù)創(chuàng)新咆贬。更確切地說眷蜈，他強(qiáng)調(diào)了以下幾點(diǎn)：（1）城市酥泛、縣和區(qū)之間的等級劃分异逐，考慮到發(fā)展?jié)摿蛥^(qū)域特征；（2） 廣泛應(yīng)用微區(qū)規(guī)劃，降低基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)成本；（3）消除現(xiàn)有的沿街建筑物布局，從而降低城市建設(shè)和維護(hù)成本。71這些措施的目的是預(yù)測城市建設(shè)所需的一切，并在沒有浪費(fèi)的情況下完成建設(shè)項(xiàng)目。因此，城市規(guī)劃者重新考慮了現(xiàn)有的設(shè)計(jì)，并制定了新的計(jì)劃來降低建設(shè)成本。
Many options were considered to reduce financial waste, and the emergence of the residential district concept was among them. If service networks expanded from microdistricts into larger urban spaces with similar proportions, land and construction funding would be wasted. Thus, service networks began to be designed based on exact calculations of their frequency of use and capacity. In residential districts, service facilities could be classified into three categories: (1) those that were used daily and located in microdistricts, (2) those that were used regularly and located within a 750–1000 m radius of the centre of residential districts, and (3) those that were used by all citizens (Table 3).72
人們考慮了許多減少財(cái)政浪費(fèi)的方案铝穷，其中包括住宅區(qū)概念的出現(xiàn)即碗。如果服務(wù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)從微型區(qū)擴(kuò)展到比例相似的更大城市空間初橘，土地和建設(shè)資金將被浪費(fèi)展东。因此，服務(wù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的設(shè)計(jì)開始基于對其使用頻率和容量的精確計(jì)算。在住宅區(qū)瘪菌，服務(wù)設(shè)施可分為三類：（1）日常使用且位于小區(qū)的服務(wù)設(shè)施默穴，（2）定期使用且位于住宅區(qū)中心750–1000米半徑范圍內(nèi)的服務(wù)設(shè)施许蓖，以及（3）所有公民使用的服務(wù)設(shè)施（表3）沛豌。72
The population of a residential district varied according to a city’s category. The National Construction Committee classified North Korean cities into five categories based on their geographical、 condition, character, size, and development potential, and distinct building heights and layouts were planned based on these categories.73 Based on this classification, North Korean urban planners defined a residential district to include four to five microdistricts (Figure 9).
居住區(qū)的人口因城市類別而異票腰。國家建設(shè)委員會根據(jù)地理鹃愤、條件、特征异旧、規(guī)模和發(fā)展?jié)摿⒊r城市分為五類每篷，并根據(jù)這些類別規(guī)劃了不同的建筑高度和布局浑彰。73根據(jù)這一分類专挪，朝鮮城市規(guī)劃者將居住區(qū)定義為包括四到五個(gè)微型區(qū)（圖9）寨腔。
When planners designed the centres of residential districts, they took one of two approaches: a planar solution in which all cultural and living functions as well as light industry factories were concentrated at the centre of residential districts or a linear solution in which all facilities were arranged along arterial streets. North Korean planners who emphasized the relation between streets and service facilities preferred the latter to the former.74 From this time onward, North Korean designers began to consider the relation between streets and service facilities in designing the microdistrict. Economic factors played a major role, as shown in the Hamhung Urban Design Institute’s explanation for its modification of a model microdistrict draft published by the Central Design Institute in December 1961.75 Although the design assumed that one side of the microdistrict must border an arterial city street, the draft did not consider this detail. Thus, the Hamhung Urban Design Institute suggested approaching the planning of microdistricts as a component of the planning of entire cities and suggested organizing service networks based on the hierarchy of roads. If any side of a microdistrict faced an arterial street, regularly used service facilities should be constructed on that side. In this manner, they could create residential districts or urban centres (Figures 10 and 11).
當(dāng)規(guī)劃師設(shè)計(jì)住宅區(qū)中心時(shí)，他們采取了兩種方法之一：一種是平面解決方案率寡，其中所有文化和生活功能以及輕工業(yè)工廠都集中在住宅區(qū)中心迫卢；另一種是線性解決方案，其中所有設(shè)施都沿主干道布置冶共。朝鮮規(guī)劃師強(qiáng)調(diào)街道和服務(wù)設(shè)施之間的關(guān)系乾蛤，后者更傾向于前者。74從這個(gè)時(shí)候開始捅僵，朝鮮設(shè)計(jì)師開始考慮街道和服務(wù)設(shè)施之間的關(guān)系家卖，在設(shè)計(jì)微區(qū)。正如咸興城市設(shè)計(jì)院對中央設(shè)計(jì)院于1961年12月發(fā)布的示范小區(qū)草案進(jìn)行修改的解釋所示命咐，經(jīng)濟(jì)因素起到了主要作用篡九。75盡管設(shè)計(jì)假設(shè)小區(qū)的一側(cè)必須與城市主干道接壤，草案沒有考慮這一細(xì)節(jié)醋奠。因此，咸興市城市設(shè)計(jì)院建議將小區(qū)規(guī)劃作為整個(gè)城市規(guī)劃的一個(gè)組成部分伊佃，并建議根據(jù)道路等級組織服務(wù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)窜司。如果微區(qū)的任何一側(cè)面向主干道，則應(yīng)在該側(cè)修建定期使用的服務(wù)設(shè)施航揉。通過這種方式塞祈，他們可以創(chuàng)建住宅區(qū)或城市中心（圖10和圖11）。
This urban space theory was implemented in the 1962 plan for Botongbeol of Pyongyang.76 Development of the area around Bonghwa Street began during the Five-Year Plan period. In the first phase, architects constructed five-storey buildings around Bonghwa Street and later expanded the surrounding areas into model microdistricts No. 86 and No. 87. Thus, the four microdistricts in?this area formed a residential district. This urban development pattern spread into other cities, such as the Munsu area of East Pyongyang,77 the central area of Nampo city,78 Haeangeori of Wonsan city,79 and the centre of Sinpo city.
這一城市空間理論在1962年的平壤Botongbeol計(jì)劃中得到了實(shí)施帅涂。76在五年計(jì)劃期間议薪，Bonghwa街周圍地區(qū)的開發(fā)開始了尤蛮。在第一階段，建筑師們在邦瓦街周圍建造了五層樓高的建筑斯议，隨后將周邊地區(qū)擴(kuò)展為86號和87號示范小區(qū)产捞。因此，該區(qū)域的四個(gè)小區(qū)形成了一個(gè)居住區(qū)哼御。這種城市發(fā)展模式擴(kuò)展到其他城市坯临，如平壤東部的Munsu地區(qū)、南浦市的中心地區(qū)77個(gè)恋昼、元山市的Haiangeri 78個(gè)看靠、新浦市的中心地區(qū)79個(gè)。
Conclusion
From the ceasefire of the Korean War in 1953 to the present, North Korea’s urban planning can be divided into three different periods: the first period lasted from 1953 to the mid-1970s, when Kim Jong Il appeared as the inheritor of the founder, Kim Il Sung; the second period lasted from the mid-1970s to the mid-1990s, when a great famine called the Arduous March occurred in North Korea; the third period began in 2000 and runs to the present. The paradigm of urban planning changed completely during each period. The theory of the microdistrict profoundly influenced the formation of urban space in North Korea during the first period, just as it reflected North Korea’s unique social systems.
從1953年朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭鸵杭。火到現(xiàn)在挟炬，朝鮮的城市規(guī)劃可以分為三個(gè)不同的時(shí)期：第一個(gè)時(shí)期從1953年持續(xù)到1970年代中期，當(dāng)時(shí)金正日作為創(chuàng)始人金日成的繼承人出現(xiàn)嗦哆；第二個(gè)時(shí)期從20世紀(jì)70年代中期持續(xù)到90年代中期辟宗，當(dāng)時(shí)朝鮮發(fā)生了一場稱為“艱難行軍”的大饑荒；第三階段始于2000年吝秕，一直持續(xù)到現(xiàn)在泊脐。城市規(guī)劃的范式在每個(gè)時(shí)期都發(fā)生了徹底的變化。微區(qū)理論深刻地影響了第一時(shí)期朝鮮城市空間的形成烁峭，正如它反映了朝鮮獨(dú)特的社會制度一樣容客。
North Korean urban planners introduced the theory of the microdistrict, studied its multiple aspects, and made it a reality. Although North Korea’s social institutions were not sufficiently established, microdistrict planning manifested them in the physical world by applying diverse design methods and criteria to everyday life. It played a crucial role in determining the size of self-contained urban units and the distribution of service networks in urban spaces. Moreover, the planning of microdistricts contributed to the control of the everyday lives of North Koreans. In particular, because Kim Il Sung’s regime embraced the idea of a Stalinist totalitarian state beginning in the late 1950s, the urban space turned into a matrix of surveillance that eradicated individual privacy. In this way, North Korean urban space functioned as a well-oiled machine that dominated people’s morals and behaviours, thrusting political power and ideology into the most microscopic areas of daily life.
朝鮮城市規(guī)劃師介紹了微區(qū)理論，研究了它的多個(gè)方面约郁，并使之成為現(xiàn)實(shí)缩挑。盡管朝鮮的社會機(jī)構(gòu)還沒有充分建立起來，但小區(qū)規(guī)劃通過將不同的設(shè)計(jì)方法和標(biāo)準(zhǔn)應(yīng)用到日常生活中鬓梅，在現(xiàn)實(shí)世界中體現(xiàn)了這一點(diǎn)供置。它在確定自給自足的城市單元的規(guī)模和城市空間中服務(wù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的分布方面發(fā)揮了關(guān)鍵作用。此外绽快，小區(qū)的規(guī)劃有助于控制朝鮮人的日常生活芥丧。特別是，由于金日成政權(quán)從20世紀(jì)50年代末開始接受斯大林極權(quán)主義國家的理念坊罢，城市空間變成了監(jiān)控矩陣续担，根除了個(gè)人隱私。通過這種方式活孩，朝鮮的城市空間就像一臺潤滑良好的機(jī)器物遇，控制著人們的道德和行為，將政治權(quán)力和意識形態(tài)推入日常生活的最微觀領(lǐng)域。
However, when Kim Jong Il began to engage in official affairs in 1973, he tried to alter the established urban structure by erecting daring monuments. Kim, who did not have the charisma of his father, tried to intervene in architectural and urban projects as part of a test to demonstrate his political capabilities. In the process, emphasis was placed on the visual order of the urban form, which led to abandoning the theory of the microdistrict. Instead, many high-rise towers were constructed to break the visual monotony, and large-scale housing estates beyond the size of microdistricts and residential districts were intensively developed around arterial roads. Nevertheless, the microdistrict theory survived in a more advanced form after the great famine in the mid-1990s. Internally, the planning method of the 1970–80s was scrutinized because it caused serious problems in the extension of road width and the orientation of buildings. Accordingly, Kim Jong Il and North Korean planners searched for a new way to develop the existing microdistrict idea, adding the concepts of environmental conservation and smart cities. Since 2000, several urban projects in North Korean cities have reflected this change.
然而询兴，當(dāng)金正日1973年開始參與官方事務(wù)時(shí)乃沙，他試圖通過修建大膽的紀(jì)念碑來改變既定的城市結(jié)構(gòu)。金正恩沒有他父親那樣的魅力诗舰，他試圖干預(yù)建筑和城市項(xiàng)目警儒，以此作為證明其政治能力的測試的一部分。在這個(gè)過程中始衅，重點(diǎn)放在了城市形態(tài)的視覺秩序上冷蚂，這導(dǎo)致了對微區(qū)理論的拋棄。取而代之的是汛闸，為了打破視覺上的單調(diào)蝙茶，人們建造了許多高聳的塔樓，并在主干道周圍密集開發(fā)了超出微型區(qū)和住宅區(qū)規(guī)模的大型住宅區(qū)诸老。然而隆夯，在20世紀(jì)90年代中期的大饑荒之后，微區(qū)理論以更先進(jìn)的形式幸存下來别伏。在內(nèi)部蹄衷，1970-80年代的規(guī)劃方法受到了仔細(xì)審查，因?yàn)樗诘缆穼挾鹊难由旌徒ㄖ锏姆较蛏显斐闪藝?yán)重的問題厘肮。因此愧口，金正日和朝鮮的規(guī)劃者們尋找了一種新的方式來發(fā)展現(xiàn)有的微區(qū)理念，加入了環(huán)境保護(hù)和智慧城市的概念类茂。自2000年以來耍属，朝鮮城市的幾個(gè)城市項(xiàng)目反映了這一變化。
