【導讀】與所有大人物一樣，與泰益·馬哈茂德相伴的是贊譽與爭議暑始。在他治下伴鳖，砂拉越取得了長足的發(fā)展。但這也以犧牲土著居民的權利等為代價锯梁。近日這位砂拉越的主人即將宣布退休即碗，不過他仍將長久地影響著這片土地的未來。
Malaysia’s Sarawak
馬來西亞砂拉越
Last of the rajahs
最后的拉惹
A powerful chief minister bows out—or does he?
這位極具權勢的首席部長要退位了——真會退嗎陌凳？
Feb 15th 2014 | KUALA LUMPUR | From the print edition
FEW of Asia’s elected leaders have enjoyed the power of Abdul Taib Mahmud, the chief minister of Sarawak. For 33 years he lorded it over this Malaysian state on the island of Borneo, once densely forested and still rich in oil. Mr Taib was an appropriate successor to generations of the British Brooke family, who ran the territory as their own monarchy for a century from 1841. They were known as the White Rajahs. Their 77-year-old, white-haired modern equivalent, Mr Taib, will officially retire on February 28th, passing the job to a hand-picked successor, Adenan Saten. Mr Taib, though, will probably get another comfortable job himself, retaining much influence.
幾乎沒有哪位亞洲民選領導人剥懒，能像砂拉越州首席部長泰益·馬哈茂德一樣有權有勢。砂拉越州曾經(jīng)森林密布合敦，如今依然富有石油初橘，而泰益，已經(jīng)統(tǒng)治了婆羅洲島上的這片土地長達33年之久充岛。自1841年起的一個世紀里保檐，英國殖民者布魯克家族占有著砂拉越州。這里是他們的私有王國崔梗，人們稱他們?yōu)椤赴兹死恰挂怪弧６┮鎰t是“王國”的合適繼承者。這位白發(fā)蒼蒼的現(xiàn)代拉惹現(xiàn)年77歲蒜魄，準備在2月28號正式退休扔亥。他指定阿迪南·薩騰作為他的繼任者场躯。而泰益本人可能會得到另一個閑適職位，從而繼續(xù)保持他的影響力旅挤。
Few have contributed more, for better and for worse, to the course of modern Malaysian history. Mr Taib has played a crucial role in keeping the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition in power—it has ruled ever since Malaysia won independence from Britain in 1957. The two former British possessions on Borneo, Sabah and Sarawak, joined the new federation of Malaysia in 1963 (together with Singapore, which dropped out two years later). Ever since, east Malaysia has supplied the oil and votes that the BN needs.
不管怎樣踢关，很少有人能像泰益一樣，對現(xiàn)代馬來西亞的歷史進程做出過如此之大的貢獻谦铃。自1957年英國殖民地馬來西亞獨立起耘成，直到今天，國民陣線就一直是執(zhí)政黨驹闰。而泰益則是確保國民陣線掌權的關鍵人物瘪菌。婆羅洲島上的沙巴州、砂拉越州是原英國殖民地嘹朗，并于1963年加入了馬來西亞聯(lián)邦（新加坡同時加入师妙，并于兩年后退出）。從那時起屹培，這片東馬來西亞的土地就一直向國民陣線輸送著石油與選票默穴。
Oil revenues have fuelled the country’s breakneck development, while the votes have kept the coalition’s stranglehold on federal power even as its share of the vote has dropped steeply over time in peninsular Malaysia. Gerrymandering by the BN means that Sabah and Sarawak, largely rural and sparsely inhabited, fill almost a quarter of the federal parliament’s seats, out of all proportion to their populations. Mr Taib has secured the vote every time. The 25 seats out of a possible 31 that his own political machine, allied to the BN, won in the general election last year was, with the seats that the BN’s allies won in Sabah, the difference between the coalition holding on to power and electoral humiliation.
來自砂拉越的石油收入是馬來西亞快速發(fā)展的動力，而本地的選票則力保國民陣線掌控馬來西亞聯(lián)邦的大權褪秀，盡管近些年來這個執(zhí)政聯(lián)盟在馬來半島的支持率一路走低蓄诽。通過在選區(qū)劃分上做手腳，國民陣線使得地廣人稀媒吗，擁有大片鄉(xiāng)村的沙巴州仑氛、砂拉越州在聯(lián)邦議會中擁有了近四分之一的席位——比這些地區(qū)的人口占比還高。每次選舉泰益都會為國民陣線保駕護航闸英。去年的大選中锯岖，他操縱著自己的政治機器，與國民陣線聯(lián)手甫何，在31個議會席位中拿下了25個出吹。泰益與國民陣線在沙巴州的盟友一道，將國民陣線保送上臺辙喂。要是沒有了這兩個地方的選票捶牢，國民陣線很有可能會遭遇慘敗。
His electoral muscle has given Mr Taib disproportionate political clout. He has run Sarawak single-handedly, with little accounting to anyone. His supporters credit him with presiding over an era of unparalleled development, transforming a disease-ridden backwater into a relatively modern state and well-known tourist destination. He has also used his clout with the central government to insist upon an impressive degree of local autonomy for Sarawak, thus preserving its special ethnic and religious make-up in the federation.
泰益的選舉實力賦予了他異乎尋常的政治勢力巍耗。他撇開其他所有人秋麸，獨自治理著砂拉越。支持者們稱頌泰益芍锦，認為是他主導了這個前所未有的快速發(fā)展時代竹勉，將這本來百病纏身的一汪死水建設成了知名的旅游勝地飞盆，成為了相對現(xiàn)代化的砂拉越州娄琉。泰益還在中央政府動用了他的影響力次乓，為砂拉越州爭取到了相當程度的地方自治權，使得砂拉越州獨特的種族與宗教構成得以保存孽水。
In Sarawak Malays are only the third-largest ethnic group. About 40 ethnic groups make up the largest proportion of the population, of which the indigenous Iban is the biggest. The second-biggest group are ethnic Chinese. Mr Taib himself comes from the Melanau, accounting for about 6% of the population. Sarawak also boasts a variety of religions, and there are more Christians than Muslims. While preserving this diversity, Mr Taib has also mastered and exploited ethnic divisions to build his political base, a process greased by cash at election time to persuade people to vote the right way.
馬來族只是砂拉越州的第三大種族票腰。砂拉越人中絕大部分來自40個不同的種族，其中最多的是土著伊班人女气。第二大種族是華族杏慰。而泰益本人則是馬拉諾人，這一族大約占州內(nèi)總人口的6%炼鞠。砂拉越境內(nèi)還有許多不同的宗教缘滥，其中基督徒的數(shù)目要比穆斯林多。泰益保留下了民族與宗教的多元化谒主，控制并利用民族間的分裂朝扼，以此來作為自己特殊「私有王國」的政治根基。他還在選舉時候發(fā)放現(xiàn)金霎肯，來鼓勵選民「正確地」投票擎颖。
But for all the chief minister’s insistence on Sarawak’s exceptionalism, legions of critics argue that it was a smokescreen for his administration and its friends to exploit the country. Mr Taib, who drives around in a Rolls-Royce and flies by private jet, has for several years been under investigation by the country’s anti-graft agency. Environmentalists say that under him Sarawak has lost nine-tenths of its virgin rainforest, most of it converted into lucrative palm-oil concessions. This has resulted in a huge loss in biodiversity.
但其他州的首席部長容不下砂拉越這個例外，他們發(fā)起了如潮水般的攻擊观游，指責說多元化種種只是泰益的煙霧彈搂捧，他是為了一己私利分裂國家。出門勞斯萊斯懂缕，上天私人飛機允跑，泰益這些年來一直在接受國家反腐機構的調(diào)查。環(huán)保主義者聲稱在泰益治下提佣，砂拉越失去了近九成的原始森林吮蛹，大自然要為更有利可圖的棕櫚油生產(chǎn)讓步。這導致了生物多樣性的極大損失拌屏。
Widespread deforestation has resulted in numerous battles over indigenous land rights. Local Iban have suffered from the bulldozing and development of their lands by state-backed logging companies and have sought redress in the courts. A Malaysian expert on indigenous land rights, Colin Nicholas, says at least 200 such cases are now working their way through the courts in Sarawak. Non-governmental organisations say that, in this regard, the chief minister has been more foe than friend to the Iban and other ethnic groups.
大規(guī)模濫砍濫伐引起了無數(shù)次關于土著地權的爭斗潮针。國家背景的伐木公司大肆推平并開發(fā)土地，讓土著伊班人吃盡了苦頭倚喂。他們已經(jīng)上法庭申訴每篷，要求賠償。馬來西亞土著地權專家柯林·尼古拉斯表示端圈，至少有200樁案件正在砂拉越當?shù)胤ㄍミM行審理焦读。而非政府組織稱，有鑒于此舱权，比起其他種族矗晃，土著伊班族更把泰益當做是敵人。
Some argue that, with Mr Taib stepping down, the BN might try to exert more direct control over politics in Sarawak, as they have in Sabah. But Mr Taib will probably become the state governor. This is a largely ceremonial role, like that of a royal sultan in peninsular Malay states. But from this position he will retain plenty of influence over Sarawak; it is unlikely that anything very much will change. What is more, in his new role Mr Taib could well enjoy immunity from prosecution, although the exact legal position is unclear. Either way, Tian Chua, of the opposition Democratic Action Party, says that Mr Taib has become the “Vladimir Putin of Sarawak”.
有人說宴倍，像沙巴州一樣张症，在泰益退休以后仓技，國民陣線可能會試著加強對砂拉越州政局的直接控制。不過接下來泰益很有可能就任州元首俗他。與馬來半島各州的世襲蘇丹一樣脖捻，這是榮譽性的職位。不過泰益也會在這個位置上對砂拉越保持足夠的影響力兆衅；事情不太會有很大變化地沮。此外，盡管確切的法律地位并不明白羡亩，但泰益將因就任州元首而享有司法豁免權摩疑。正如反對黨民主行動黨的Tian Chua所言，無論如何畏铆，泰益都將成為「砂拉越的弗拉基米爾·普金」未荒。
From the print edition: Asia
