Leonid Tyulpa. The architect of the soviet period of mass industrial development
萊昂尼德·圖爾帕姚建。蘇聯(lián)大規(guī)模工業(yè)發(fā)展時(shí)期的建筑師
Alexander Bouryak. Sc.D. in Theory of Architecture, Kharkiv National University of Civil Engineering and Architecture: Head of the Chair (from1985), Professor (2009); supervision of nine Ph.D. thesis. Ukrainian Municipal Academy – full membership 1999. “Kharkiv Club” international NGO– member 1998, head of the board 2000, leader of the “Architectural Ambulance” International Project 2003. Ukrainian national chapter of DOCOMOMOInternational – Secretary General 2012. abouryak@yahoo.com
Abstract
The design approach employed by Kharkiv-based architect Leonid Tyulpa evolved from the early 1950s to the late 1970s. The architect’s career reflected the state of the whole Soviet architectural design in the second half of the XX century. His creative work encompassed all the milestones of housing development practice in the country. L.Tyulpa’s career started in 1951-1956 with restoration design projects in cities damaged during WW II. The years between 1956 and 1958 marked a transitional stage when the architect broke with old design traditions. In the third stage of his career, L.Tyulpa embarked on developing a new practice of designing prefabricated housing, searchinfor economical and feasible design solutions (1958-1963), with Pavlovo Pole housing estate being a vivid example of this period. Starting from 1963 the principles of creating the so-called “micro-districts” were implemented into the old city tissue, leading to a comprehensive reconsideration of the city and its role. The final stage of his career saw the appearance of a totally new vast housing area in Kharkiv. It was Saltovskiy housing estate for 300,000 dwellers, which became the utmost manifestation of the modernist way of thinking.
哈爾科夫建筑師萊昂尼德·圖爾帕（Leonid Tyulpa）采用的設(shè)計(jì)方法從20世紀(jì)50年代初發(fā)展到70年代末止状。建筑師的職業(yè)生涯反映了整個(gè)蘇聯(lián)建筑設(shè)計(jì)在XX世紀(jì)后半葉的狀態(tài)。他的創(chuàng)造性工作涵蓋了該國(guó)住房開發(fā)實(shí)踐的所有里程碑阳仔。L.Tyulpa的職業(yè)生涯始于1951-1956年蔓彩，在二戰(zhàn)期間受損的城市進(jìn)行修復(fù)設(shè)計(jì)項(xiàng)目。1956年至1958年是建筑師打破舊設(shè)計(jì)傳統(tǒng)的過(guò)渡階段。在職業(yè)生涯的第三階段赤嚼，L.Tyulpa開始開發(fā)一種新的預(yù)制房屋設(shè)計(jì)實(shí)踐旷赖，探索經(jīng)濟(jì)可行的設(shè)計(jì)方案（1958-1963年），巴甫洛沃波爾住宅區(qū)就是這一時(shí)期的生動(dòng)例子更卒。從1963年開始等孵，創(chuàng)建所謂“微區(qū)”的原則被落實(shí)到舊城組織中，導(dǎo)致對(duì)城市及其作用的全面反思蹂空。在他職業(yè)生涯的最后階段俯萌，哈爾科夫出現(xiàn)了一個(gè)全新的巨大住宅區(qū)。這是一個(gè)可容納30萬(wàn)居民的薩爾托夫斯基住宅區(qū)上枕，成為現(xiàn)代主義思維方式的最大體現(xiàn)咐熙。
Keywords
Mass housing; postwar, micro-district; Soviet modernism; Tyulpa; Saltovskiy housing estate; Pavlovo Pole; Ukraine.
Approaches to studying mass housing development in the history of the postwar Soviet architecture
戰(zhàn)后蘇聯(lián)建筑史上的大眾住宅發(fā)展研究方法
Dozens of millions of Ukrainian citizens are now living in large housing estates built in the third quarter of the previous century. During those years the cities of the Soviet Union served as a ground for an unprecedented social and architectural experiment that changed the daily routine of dozens of millions of Soviet people1.
數(shù)千萬(wàn)烏克蘭公民現(xiàn)在居住在上個(gè)世紀(jì)第三季度建造的大型住宅區(qū)。在這些年里辨萍，蘇聯(lián)的城市成為了一個(gè)前所未有的社會(huì)和建筑實(shí)驗(yàn)的場(chǎng)所棋恼，這一實(shí)驗(yàn)改變了幾千萬(wàn)蘇聯(lián)人的日常生活。
Since the 1990s the Soviet mass housing development has attracted scholars’ attention, both in Ukraine2 and abroad3. However, mass housing development has been considered primarily as a socio-economic phenomenon and as another concept in the theory of city planning. The names of Ukrainian architects and urban planners of this period, such as O. I. Zavarova, L. M. Tyulpa4, Ye. G. Weinstein, P. N. Nirinberg, L. D. Nivina, A. D. Konsulov, etc. are only familiar to their contemporaries who witnessed and participated in that major breakthrough of the 1950s-1960s.
自20世紀(jì)90年代以來(lái)锈玉，蘇聯(lián)大規(guī)模住房開發(fā)吸引了烏克蘭2和國(guó)外3學(xué)者的注意爪飘。然而，大規(guī)模住房開發(fā)主要被認(rèn)為是一種社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)現(xiàn)象拉背，也是城市規(guī)劃理論中的另一個(gè)概念师崎。這一時(shí)期烏克蘭建筑師和城市規(guī)劃師的名字，如O.I.Zavarova椅棺、L.M.Tyulpa4犁罩、Ye。G.Weinstein两疚、P.N.Nirinberg床估、L.D.Nivina、A.D.Konsulov等都是同時(shí)代人所熟悉的鬼雀，他們見證并參與了20世紀(jì)50-60年代的重大突破顷窒。
This large “blank space” in the history of Ukrainian architecture is connected with the issue of aestheticization5 of the Soviet architecture of the third quarter of ХХ century. A wide-ranging discourse on the aesthetics of the postwar Soviet modernism on the territory of the former USSR republics was triggered by the book “Soviet modernism. 1955-1985”6 written by F. Novikov and V. Belopolskiy, which was released in 2010, as well as by a number of international specialized exhibitions and conferences7. Nowadays the aesthetic value and the mechanism of aestheticization of the Soviet mass housing development heritage are becoming some of the high-priority tasks for researchers8. The complex study of mass housing development is presented in the book “Towards a typology of Soviet mass housing: prefabrication in the USSR 1955-1991”9, which presents an analysis of the stages of mass housing development and the most valuable series of houses from an aesthetic point of view.
烏克蘭建筑史上的這一巨大“空白”與四分之三世紀(jì)蘇聯(lián)建筑的審美化問(wèn)題有關(guān)蛙吏。由F.Novikov和V.Belopolskiy于2010年出版的《蘇聯(lián)現(xiàn)代主義1955-1985》6以及一些國(guó)際專門展覽和會(huì)議7引發(fā)了關(guān)于前蘇聯(lián)共和國(guó)領(lǐng)土上戰(zhàn)后蘇聯(lián)現(xiàn)代主義美學(xué)的廣泛論述源哩。如今，蘇聯(lián)集體住宅開發(fā)遺產(chǎn)的美學(xué)價(jià)值和審美化機(jī)制正成為研究人員的一些優(yōu)先任務(wù)8鸦做±常《走向蘇聯(lián)集體住房的類型學(xué)：蘇聯(lián)1955-1991年的預(yù)制》9中介紹了集體住房發(fā)展的復(fù)雜研究，從美學(xué)角度分析了集體住房發(fā)展的各個(gè)階段和最有價(jià)值的房屋系列泼诱。
In fact, over a span of as many as 35 years Soviet urban planners managed to implement the principles of idealized modernist urbanism10 on the scale of a large country on every structural level – from regional planning to minimalistic design of individual apartments. Cities acquired new architectural forms, whereas previous architectural forms became elements that were embedded into the new urban tissue11.
事實(shí)上坛掠，在長(zhǎng)達(dá)35年的時(shí)間里，蘇聯(lián)的城市規(guī)劃者成功地在一個(gè)大國(guó)的規(guī)模上在各個(gè)結(jié)構(gòu)層面上實(shí)施了理想化現(xiàn)代主義城市化原則10——從區(qū)域規(guī)劃到單個(gè)公寓的極簡(jiǎn)設(shè)計(jì)。城市獲得了新的建筑形式屉栓，而以前的建筑形式則成為嵌入新城市結(jié)構(gòu)的元素11舷蒲。
By mid-1950s the process of national industrialization was completed de jure, giving place to housing which became the dominant development project in the USSR. It had a purely utilitarian goal, i.e. resolving the so-called “housing question” as soon as it was possible. This idea was widely propagated because of the necessity to implement a new way of organizing human resources, which could involve all the life spheres of a common Soviet citizen within a single production cycle that had already been established. Tha?t is why the architectural method that had been actively developed after the war evolved into an experimental search for efficient standard designs, where the main criterion for approving design proposals was their technical and economic efficiency.
到20世紀(jì)50年代中期，國(guó)家工業(yè)化進(jìn)程在法律上完成友多，住房取代住房成為蘇聯(lián)的主要發(fā)展項(xiàng)目牲平。它有一個(gè)純粹的功利主義目標(biāo)，即盡快解決所謂的“住房問(wèn)題”域滥。這一思想之所以得到廣泛傳播纵柿，是因?yàn)橛斜匾獙?shí)施一種新的人力資源組織方式，這種方式可以在已經(jīng)建立的單一生產(chǎn)周期內(nèi)涉及普通蘇聯(lián)公民的所有生活領(lǐng)域启绰。這就是為什么戰(zhàn)后積極發(fā)展的建筑方法演變?yōu)閷?duì)高效標(biāo)準(zhǔn)設(shè)計(jì)的實(shí)驗(yàn)性探索，其中批準(zhǔn)設(shè)計(jì)方案的主要標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是其技術(shù)和經(jīng)濟(jì)效率。
Despite the fact that all regional development relied upon the same ideological basis, the position of various regions within the national system of distribution was not the same. Nor were the people who were responsible for local regional development. Therefore, a more thorough research into the phenomenon of the post-war Soviet housing development calls for deeper understanding of those people who stood behind the achievements and failures of the epic architectural and urban development in various parts of the former Soviet Union, including the reconstruction of existing situations with certain local restrictions, analysis of??opportunities and failures. Another essential condition of historical and architectural research is the necessity for precise documentation of quantitative (up to hundreds of millions of square meters of housing) and qualitative (structural, functional and spatial) characteristics of each period.
盡管所有區(qū)域的發(fā)展都依賴于相同的意識(shí)形態(tài)基礎(chǔ)孝偎，但各個(gè)區(qū)域在國(guó)家分配體系中的地位并不相同租幕。負(fù)責(zé)當(dāng)?shù)貐^(qū)域發(fā)展的人也不例外。因此撤缴，對(duì)戰(zhàn)后蘇聯(lián)住房開發(fā)現(xiàn)象進(jìn)行更深入的研究刹枉，需要更深入地了解那些在前蘇聯(lián)各地史詩(shī)般的建筑和城市發(fā)展成就和失敗背后的人，包括重建存在一定局部限制的現(xiàn)狀屈呕，分析機(jī)會(huì)和失敗微宝。歷史和建筑研究的另一個(gè)基本條件是必須精確記錄每個(gè)時(shí)期的定量（高達(dá)數(shù)億平方米的住房）和定性（結(jié)構(gòu)、功能和空間）特征虎眨。
Unfortunately, the Kharkiv experience of mass industrial development practically is not studied12. However, this experience deserves special attention. Unlike other Ukrainian cities, an original architectural school had emerged here back in 1920s-1930s13. In addition, two consecutive projects, namely Pavlovo Pole (1956- 1974) and Saltovskiy housing estates (1963-1993) were implemented under the guidance and according to fundamental design proposals made by the same architect - Leonid Tyulpa (1922-1994) [fig. 1].
不幸的是蟋软，哈爾科夫大規(guī)模工業(yè)發(fā)展的經(jīng)驗(yàn)實(shí)際上沒有得到研究12。然而嗽桩，這一經(jīng)驗(yàn)值得特別注意岳守。與其他烏克蘭城市不同，早在1920-1930s13年碌冶，這里就出現(xiàn)了一所原始的建筑學(xué)校湿痢。此外，在同一建筑師Leonid Tyulpa（1922-1994）的指導(dǎo)和基本設(shè)計(jì)方案的指導(dǎo)下扑庞，實(shí)施了兩個(gè)連續(xù)的項(xiàng)目譬重，即巴甫洛沃·波爾（1956-1974）和薩爾托夫斯基（1963-1993）[圖1]。
Monographic studies provide an opportunity to compare the results of architects’ work. Patrick Abercrombie’s practice, whose name is directly associated with the post-war London reconstruction14, is one of examples of such personified research approach. Everything that is written about Soviet urban planning of 1960-1980’s gives a false idea that Soviet architects played the role of impersonal tools, and therefore soviet mass housing development cannot be called architecture. The identification of key Soviet architects and city planners in the field will allow to display the real situation and to avoid sketchiness and generalization.
專題研究提供了一個(gè)比較建筑師工作成果的機(jī)會(huì)罐氨。帕特里克·阿伯克龍比（Patrick Abercrombie）的實(shí)踐與戰(zhàn)后倫敦重建直接相關(guān)14臀规，是這種人格化研究方法的一個(gè)例子。所有關(guān)于1960-1980年代蘇聯(lián)城市規(guī)劃的文章都給出了一個(gè)錯(cuò)誤的想法栅隐，即蘇聯(lián)建筑師扮演著非個(gè)人工具的角色塔嬉，因此蘇聯(lián)的大規(guī)模住房開發(fā)不能稱為建筑玩徊。在這一領(lǐng)域確定蘇聯(lián)的主要建筑師和城市規(guī)劃師將有助于展示真實(shí)情況，避免粗略和籠統(tǒng)谨究。
The Turning Point of 1956: Breaking from Stalinistic Design Practices and Return to Modernism
1956年的轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)：打破斯大林主義設(shè)計(jì)實(shí)踐恩袱，回歸現(xiàn)代主義
Leonid Tyulpa belonged to the generation of architects, whose architectural design skills were shaped by the post-war urban restoration movement rather than by prewar architectural processes. Therefore, for him the newly-introduced method of technical and economic feasibility was something relevant and self-evident.
萊昂尼德·圖爾帕屬于建筑師這一代，他們的建筑設(shè)計(jì)技能是由戰(zhàn)后的城市修復(fù)運(yùn)動(dòng)而不是戰(zhàn)前的建筑過(guò)程塑造的胶哲。因此憎蛤，對(duì)他來(lái)說(shuō)，新引進(jìn)的技術(shù)和經(jīng)濟(jì)可行性方法是相關(guān)和不言而喻的纪吮。
During a very short period of time starting from 1951 L. Tyulpa developed about a dozen projects including a dormitory in Zhdanov, housing estates in the central part of Druzhkovka, a square in front of the railway station in Kramatorsk, a few standardized buildings for Communist Party District Committees, the Palace of Culture of Metallurgists in Donetsk), apartment blocks in Khartsyzsk, Makeyevka, Kramatorsk. A housing estate along Kremlevskaya street in Krivyy Rig was a major project thanks to which L. Tyulpa was noticed and promoted to senior architect.
從1951年開始俩檬，在很短的時(shí)間內(nèi)，L.Tyulpa開發(fā)了十幾個(gè)項(xiàng)目碾盟，包括Zhdanov的宿舍棚辽、德魯日科夫卡中部的住宅區(qū)、克拉馬托斯克火車站前的廣場(chǎng)冰肴、共產(chǎn)黨區(qū)委的一些標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化建筑屈藐，頓涅茨克冶金學(xué)家文化宮），克拉瑪托爾斯克馬克耶夫卡哈爾茨克公寓樓熙尉。Krivyy Rig Kremlevskaya街沿線的一個(gè)住宅區(qū)是一個(gè)重大項(xiàng)目联逻，L.Tyulpa因此受到關(guān)注并晉升為高級(jí)建筑師。
It took him only two years to develop a detailed street design, together with nine residential buildings which were subsequently erected15. At that period of time he was already trying to operate with large scales, looking for harmonious relationship between space and mass and using the conventional plasticity approach to fa?ades only for decorative purposes. He paid more attention to living scenarios that were likely to emerge in proposed spaces; he thought more about the convenience of layouts and the economic feasibility of the proposed design solutions.
他只用了兩年的時(shí)間就完成了詳細(xì)的街道設(shè)計(jì)检痰，以及隨后修建的九棟住宅樓15包归。在那個(gè)時(shí)期，他已經(jīng)在嘗試大規(guī)模操作铅歼，尋找空間和質(zhì)量之間的和諧關(guān)系公壤，并將傳統(tǒng)的塑性方法僅用于裝飾目的。他更加關(guān)注可能出現(xiàn)在擬建空間中的生活場(chǎng)景椎椰；他更多地考慮了布局的便利性和提出的設(shè)計(jì)方案的經(jīng)濟(jì)可行性厦幅。
In 1956 Leonid Tyulpa moved to the workshop supervised by A. Krykin16 and began to work on large urban planning projects. He was involved in the development of a new masterplan of Kharkiv [fig. 2], which had been under development since 195417. He was also a member of the group that was designing a new housing estate Pavlovo Pole [fig. 3] for 60,000 dwellers.
1956年，Leonid Tyulpa來(lái)到A.Krykin16監(jiān)督的工作室慨飘，開始從事大型城市規(guī)劃項(xiàng)目确憨。他參與了哈爾科夫新總體規(guī)劃的開發(fā)工作【圖2】，該總體規(guī)劃自195417年以來(lái)一直在開發(fā)中瓤的。他也是為60000名居民設(shè)計(jì)新住宅區(qū)巴甫洛夫柱（圖3）的小組成員休弃。
Pavlovo Pole housing estate became a testing ground in Kharkiv, where the method of “micro-districts” was tested for the first time. The first layout of Pavlovo Pole housing estate was developed by Khargorproekt Urban Planning Institute (architects B. G. Klein, A. S. Proskurnin, A. P Pavlenko) back in 1945 and by 1954 several two-storey apartment buildings had already been erected in the eastern part of the district. In 1954 the project was submitted for redesign to Kharkiv affiliated office of Giprograd (Research and Planning Institute in the Field of Spatial and Urban Planning in Ukraine). The designers and planners made a thorough analysis?of the previous project, developed a preliminary layout of the northern part of the then Lenin avenue and finally prepared a detailed design proposal for the whole housing estate, which in their opinion totally complied with the new ideological requirements. However, the project was criticized because it was allegedly out of keeping with the new ideas about the needs of a Soviet person. Lenin avenue served as an axis that set the direction for the surrounding development. Besides, it was a major thoroughfare directed towards Moscow. In terms of functional zoning, the whole territory was roughly divided between housing, various social infrastructure facilities, scientific and research institutions. The housing area was in fact a compact and dense development with enlarged rectangular blocks that paid little attention to the existing topography. All social infrastructure facilities were part of a larger network and were located in the neighboring forested areas at some distance from the apartment blocks, whereas large territories were allocated for scientific and research institutions [fig. 4].
帕夫洛沃波蘭住宅區(qū)成為哈爾科夫的試驗(yàn)場(chǎng)，在那里首次試驗(yàn)了“微型區(qū)”的方法堤瘤。早在1945年玫芦，哈爾戈普羅敖郏克城市規(guī)劃研究所（建筑師B.G.Klein本辐、A.S.Proskurnin桥帆、A.P.Pavlenko）就開發(fā)了巴甫洛夫波爾住宅區(qū)的第一個(gè)布局，到1954年慎皱，該區(qū)東部已經(jīng)建成了幾棟兩層公寓樓老虫。1954年，該項(xiàng)目提交給Giprograd（烏克蘭空間和城市規(guī)劃領(lǐng)域的研究和規(guī)劃研究所）哈爾科夫附屬辦公室重新設(shè)計(jì)茫多。設(shè)計(jì)師和規(guī)劃師對(duì)之前的項(xiàng)目進(jìn)行了徹底的分析祈匙，制定了當(dāng)時(shí)列寧大道北部的初步布局，并最終為整個(gè)住宅區(qū)編制了詳細(xì)的設(shè)計(jì)方案天揖，他們認(rèn)為這完全符合新的思想要求夺欲。然而，該項(xiàng)目受到了批評(píng)今膊，因?yàn)閾?jù)稱它不符合關(guān)于蘇聯(lián)人需求的新觀念些阅。列寧大道作為一條軸線，為周邊地區(qū)的發(fā)展確定了方向斑唬。此外市埋，它還是通往莫斯科的主要通道。在功能分區(qū)方面恕刘，整個(gè)領(lǐng)土大致分為住房缤谎、各種社會(huì)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施、科學(xué)和研究機(jī)構(gòu)褐着。事實(shí)上坷澡，住宅區(qū)是一個(gè)緊湊而密集的開發(fā)區(qū)，有放大的矩形塊含蓉，很少注意現(xiàn)有的地形洋访。所有社會(huì)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施都是一個(gè)更大網(wǎng)絡(luò)的一部分，位于鄰近的森林地區(qū)谴餐，距離公寓樓有一定距離姻政，而大片土地則分配給科學(xué)和研究機(jī)構(gòu)[圖4]。
In 1956 Leonid Tyulpa moved to the workshop supervised by A. Krykin16 and began to work on large urban planning projects. He was involved in the development of a new masterplan of Kharkiv [fig. 2], which had been under development since 195417. He was also a member of the group that was designing a new housing estate Pavlovo Pole [fig. 3] for 60,000 dwellers.
1956年岂嗓，Leonid Tyulpa來(lái)到A.Krykin16監(jiān)督的工作室汁展，開始從事大型城市規(guī)劃項(xiàng)目。他參與了哈爾科夫新總體規(guī)劃的開發(fā)工作【圖2】厌殉，該總體規(guī)劃自195417年以來(lái)一直在開發(fā)中食绿。他也是為60000名居民設(shè)計(jì)新住宅區(qū)巴甫洛夫柱（圖3）的小組成員。
This design proposal was subject to later modifications: social infrastructure facilities were brought back inside residential blocks; a new botanical garden of Kharkiv University was designed in Sarzhin Yar ravine; pedestrian safety measures were taken along the high-speed Lenin avenue; the entire development was implemented with standard 1-424 series apartment houses, which helped to reduce the costs significantly and simulate the method of creating “micro-districts”. Technically speaking, the task was completed, as the project did comply with new ideological requirements, so in 1956 the project was approved by the USSR State Committee on Urban Planning and Construction followed by the construction of the first three blocks. However, the imitation of “micro-districting” approach did not lead to any considerable changes in the old principles of housing development.
該設(shè)計(jì)方案后來(lái)進(jìn)行了修改：將社會(huì)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施帶回住宅區(qū)公罕；在Sarzhin Yar峽谷設(shè)計(jì)了哈爾科夫大學(xué)的新植物園器紧；在列寧大道高速沿線采取了行人安全措施；整個(gè)開發(fā)采用標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的1-424系列公寓楼眷，這有助于顯著降低成本并模擬創(chuàng)建“微區(qū)”的方法铲汪。從技術(shù)上講熊尉，這項(xiàng)任務(wù)已經(jīng)完成，因?yàn)樵擁?xiàng)目確實(shí)符合新的意識(shí)形態(tài)要求掌腰，因此1956年狰住，該項(xiàng)目獲得了蘇聯(lián)國(guó)家城市規(guī)劃和建設(shè)委員會(huì)的批準(zhǔn)，隨后修建了前三個(gè)街區(qū)齿梁。然而催植，模仿“微觀分區(qū)”方法并沒有導(dǎo)致舊的住房開發(fā)原則發(fā)生任何重大變化。
In 1957, when the mythology of the new regime was already firmly established, the USSR State Committee on Urban Planning and Construction reviewed the project and found certain ideological contradictions that were to be eliminated. This event became a crucial moment in Leonid Tyulpa’s career as an architect. He left the design team that still involved A. Krykin, I. Feigin and M. Brainin, who were going to make another attempt to formally adapt the project to new requirements. Instead, supported by architect L. Grigorenko and K. Chernysheva who was an?expert in economics in the field of civil engineering, Leonid Tyulpa embarked on developing two design proposals for mass housing development planning which were of completely different nature.
1957年勺择，當(dāng)新政權(quán)的神話已經(jīng)牢固確立時(shí)创南，蘇聯(lián)國(guó)家城市規(guī)劃和建設(shè)委員會(huì)審查了該項(xiàng)目，發(fā)現(xiàn)某些意識(shí)形態(tài)矛盾需要消除省核。這一事件成為列奧尼德·圖爾帕建筑師生涯中的一個(gè)關(guān)鍵時(shí)刻扰藕。他離開了仍有A.Krykin、I.Feigin和M.Brainin參與的設(shè)計(jì)團(tuán)隊(duì)芳撒，他們將再次嘗試使項(xiàng)目正式適應(yīng)新的需求邓深。相反，在建筑師L.Grigorenko和土木工程領(lǐng)域經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)專家K.Chernysheva的支持下笔刹，Leonid Tyulpa開始為大規(guī)模住房開發(fā)規(guī)劃制定兩個(gè)性質(zhì)完全不同的設(shè)計(jì)方案芥备。
L. Tyulpa and L. Grigorenko divided the whole territory of Pavlovo Pole housing estate into micro-districts of approximately 50-70 ha each. Each micro-district was designed following the “open plan” principle, meaning that the proposed architectural forms referred to such concepts as “coziness”, “affordability” and “naturalness”18. In the center of each micro-district there were schools and daycare centers, which were grouped around gardens. Miscellaneous retail outlets, as well as social and utility infrastructure facilities (shops, canteens, laundries, garages, etc.) were located along the boundaries of these micro-districts. Apartment houses were accessed via a network of dead-end driveways within the block. Broad walking alleys were laid out that linked apartment houses with various facilities, public transport stops and small local gardens within the boundaries of the block. The housing estate could be conveniently accessed by various kinds of public transport, such as trams, trolleybuses, buses and taxi.
L.Tyulpa和L.Grigorenko將整個(gè)巴甫洛沃波蘭住宅區(qū)劃分為約50-70公頃的微型區(qū)。每個(gè)微區(qū)的設(shè)計(jì)遵循“開放式規(guī)劃”原則舌菜，這意味著擬議的建筑形式涉及“舒適性”萌壳、“可承受性”和“自然性”等概念18。在每個(gè)微型區(qū)的中心都有學(xué)校和日托中心日月，它們圍繞著花園袱瓮。在這些微型區(qū)的邊界沿線設(shè)有各種零售店以及社會(huì)和公用設(shè)施基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施（商店、食堂爱咬、洗衣店尺借、車庫(kù)等）。公寓樓通過(guò)街區(qū)內(nèi)的死胡同車道網(wǎng)絡(luò)進(jìn)入精拟。寬闊的步行小巷將公寓樓與街區(qū)邊界內(nèi)的各種設(shè)施燎斩、公共交通站點(diǎn)和小型當(dāng)?shù)鼗▓@連接起來(lái)。住宅區(qū)可以方便地乘坐各種公共交通工具蜂绎，如有軌電車栅表、無(wú)軌電車、公共汽車和出租車师枣。
According to Tyulpa’s design proposal, Lenin avenue was no longer a busy highway that was going beyond the city. Instead, it was expected to approach the central square and make a gentle turn as it was going around the housing estate. In this way a major thoroughfare was transformed into a forest road that led to the socalled “recreational places” in the forest. In fact, the architect believed that the most preferable ending for this avenue would be a dead-end altogether, in order to prevent its potential connection with the ring-road19. A separate road for freight vehicles was designed in the southern part of the housing estate.
根據(jù)圖爾帕的設(shè)計(jì)方案怪瓶，列寧大道不再是一條通往城市以外的繁忙公路。取而代之的是践美，人們希望它靠近中心廣場(chǎng)洗贰，在圍繞住宅小區(qū)行駛時(shí)輕輕轉(zhuǎn)彎找岖。就這樣，一條主要干道變成了一條通往森林中所謂“娛樂場(chǎng)所”的森林公路哆姻。事實(shí)上，建筑師認(rèn)為玫膀，這條大道最好的盡頭是一條死胡同矛缨，以防止其與環(huán)路的潛在連接19。在住宅區(qū)南部設(shè)計(jì)了一條單獨(dú)的貨車道路帖旨。
The center of Pavlovo Pole was designed on a small hill, stretching along Lenin avenue towards Alekseevskaya Balka ravine, where the architects envisaged a park and a sports complex with a stadium for 7,000 spectators20. There was a plan to build a cultural center with an auditorium for 800 people, a widescreen cinema with 1,200 seats, a hotel, a shopping mall, a cafe, a post office, several retail outlets, an automatic telephone exchange office and a car park in the center of the\ housing estate. The square where these buildings were supposed to be located was completely traffic-free. The areas where scientific and research institutes were supposed to be located in the previous project in order to bring more “pageantry” to the area were now allocated for housing. A botanical garden with an area of approximately 60 ha was laid out on the southern slopes of Sarzhin Yar ravine. A hospital and several out-patient medical centers were designed closer the forest.
巴甫洛夫桿塔的中心設(shè)計(jì)在一座小山上箕昭，沿著列寧大道向Alekseevskaya Balka峽谷延伸，建筑師們?cè)O(shè)想在那里建一個(gè)公園和一個(gè)體育場(chǎng)解阅，可容納7000名觀眾落竹。有一項(xiàng)計(jì)劃是在住宅區(qū)中心修建一個(gè)文化中心，包括一個(gè)可容納800人的禮堂货抄、一個(gè)可容納1200個(gè)座位的寬屏電影院述召、一家酒店、一個(gè)購(gòu)物中心蟹地、一家咖啡館积暖、一個(gè)郵局、幾個(gè)零售店怪与、一個(gè)自動(dòng)電話交換辦公室和一個(gè)停車場(chǎng)夺刑。這些建筑所在的廣場(chǎng)完全沒有交通堵塞。在上一個(gè)項(xiàng)目中分别，為了給該地區(qū)帶來(lái)更多的“壯觀”遍愿，科研院所應(yīng)該位于的區(qū)域現(xiàn)在被分配用于住房。在Sarzhin Yar峽谷的南坡上修建了一個(gè)面積約為60公頃的植物園耘斩。在森林附近設(shè)計(jì)了一家醫(yī)院和幾個(gè)門診醫(yī)療中心沼填。
By several dozens of criteria, the technical and economic parameters of the project suggested by L. Tyulpa and L. Grigorenko were much better than the one proposed by A. Krykin, I. Feigin and M. Brainin, so the former was accepted for further development upon the decision of the State Committee on Urban Planning and Construction of the USSR21.
根據(jù)幾十個(gè)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，L.Tyulpa和L.Grigorenko提出的項(xiàng)目技術(shù)和經(jīng)濟(jì)參數(shù)遠(yuǎn)優(yōu)于A.Krykin括授、I.Feigin和M.Brainin提出的參數(shù)倾哺，因此，根據(jù)美國(guó)國(guó)家城市規(guī)劃和建設(shè)委員會(huì)21的決定刽脖，前者被接受進(jìn)一步開發(fā)羞海。
Pavlovo Pole as a Testing Ground in the Search of effcient planning solution
Pavlovo Pole作為尋找高效規(guī)劃解決方案的試驗(yàn)場(chǎng)
In 1958 L. Tyulpa proceeded to develop a detailed plan of Pavlovo Pole housing estate. He sought to improve all its technical and economic indicators: 199.5 out of 499 ha were allocated for apartment houses (compared with 139.7 ha in the previous project); 66 ha for social and utility infrastructure facilities (instead of 48.6 ha), 59 ha were allocated for streets and squares (instead of 22.5 ha), 54 ha for public green spaces (compared with 38.1 ha). One of the micro-districts was totally occupied by a scientific research institute [fig. 5, 6, 8].
1958年，L.Tyulpa著手制定巴甫洛沃波蘭住宅區(qū)的詳細(xì)規(guī)劃曲管。他試圖改善其所有技術(shù)和經(jīng)濟(jì)指標(biāo)：499公頃中有199.5公頃被分配用于公寓房屋（上一個(gè)項(xiàng)目為139.7公頃）却邓；66公頃用于社會(huì)和公用設(shè)施基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施（而非48.6公頃），59公頃用于街道和廣場(chǎng)（而非22.5公頃）院水，54公頃用于公共綠地（而非38.1公頃）腊徙。其中一個(gè)微區(qū)完全被一個(gè)科學(xué)研究所占據(jù)[圖5简十、6、8]撬腾。
Micro-district No. 1 within Pavlovo Pole housing estate was the first micro-district in Kharkiv where the principle of “micro-districting” was implemented. Mirco-district No. 1 occupied the territory of 120,000 square meters and was designed for 13.3 thousand dwellers. It was divided into 5 residential blocks for 1,900 – 2,700 people in each. These blocks consisted of 6-8 slab apartment houses and two apartment houses for small families with the so-called corridortype planning. Each residential block was supposed to have a courtyard with a small garden with sports facilities and a playground, a splash pool and recreation areas. There were playgrounds for children and board games areas designed next to each building. The project envisaged the construction of 5-storey buildings (series 1-438, 1-445 and 1-468) within each block, and there was also a plan to build four single-section 10-12-storey buildings along Shlyakhovaya street. Spaces among residential blocks were supposed to accommodate various social, retail and utility facilities, such as grocery and department stores, garages, laundries, workshops, storage rooms, utility sheds for janitors, and public restrooms. As a rule, these facilities were detached buildings. The basement floors in the apartment houses for small families (1-445-3 series) were occupied by shared kitchens, various service facilities (e.g. shoe repair shop, etc.), hairdressers, and the so-called “red corners”?for Communist propaganda. The method of “row houses” was first used in this micro-district. The total length of one such “row house” was about 180 m
帕夫洛沃波蘭住宅區(qū)內(nèi)的1號(hào)微區(qū)是哈爾科夫第一個(gè)實(shí)施“微區(qū)劃分”原則的微區(qū)螟蝙。米爾科第一區(qū)占地12萬(wàn)平方米，設(shè)計(jì)可容納13.3萬(wàn)居民民傻。它被分為5個(gè)住宅區(qū)胰默，每個(gè)區(qū)有1900-2700人。這些街區(qū)由6-8層的公寓樓和兩棟小家庭公寓樓組成漓踢，這些公寓樓采用了所謂的corridortype規(guī)劃牵署。每個(gè)住宅區(qū)都應(yīng)該有一個(gè)庭院，庭院里有一個(gè)小花園喧半，花園里有體育設(shè)施奴迅，還有一個(gè)操場(chǎng)、一個(gè)濺水池和娛樂區(qū)挺据。每棟建筑旁邊都有兒童游樂場(chǎng)和棋盤游戲區(qū)取具。該項(xiàng)目設(shè)想在每個(gè)街區(qū)內(nèi)建造5層建筑（系列1-438、1-445和1-468）扁耐，并且還計(jì)劃沿Shlaykhovaya街建造4座單截面10-12層建筑者填。住宅區(qū)之間的空間應(yīng)容納各種社會(huì)、零售和公用設(shè)施做葵，如雜貨店和百貨商店占哟、車庫(kù)、洗衣房酿矢、車間榨乎、儲(chǔ)藏室、門衛(wèi)公用設(shè)施棚和公共廁所瘫筐。通常蜜暑，這些設(shè)施是獨(dú)立的建筑物。小戶型公寓（1-445-3系列）的地下室由共用廚房策肝、各種服務(wù)設(shè)施（如修鞋店等）肛捍、理發(fā)師和所謂的共產(chǎn)主義宣傳“紅色角落”占據(jù)≈冢“排屋”的方法首次在這個(gè)微型區(qū)使用拙毫。其中一個(gè)“排房”的總長(zhǎng)度約為180米
As many as five kindergartens (for 140-280 children) and two schools (for 520 and 960 students, the former being the existing school), were designed for the 2-438 series apartment houses and they were located next to the local garden that belonged to this micro-district. For the sake of more efficient use of the territory, it was assumed that both schools would share sports facilities. The garden played an important role in the life of the micro-district: firstly, it separated children facilities from residential buildings; secondly, it integrated all green areas into one single network; thirdly, it absorbed all major footpaths that led to public transport stops and adjacent micro-districts, as well as sports grounds and various social and utility facilities.
為2-438系列公寓設(shè)計(jì)了多達(dá)五所幼兒園（140-280名兒童）和兩所學(xué)校（520名和960名學(xué)生，前者為現(xiàn)有學(xué)校）棺禾，它們位于屬于該小區(qū)的當(dāng)?shù)鼗▓@旁邊缀蹄。為了更有效地利用領(lǐng)土，假定兩所學(xué)校將共用體育設(shè)施。花園在小區(qū)生活中扮演著重要的角色：首先缺前，它將兒童設(shè)施與住宅建筑分隔開來(lái)蛀醉；第二，它將所有綠地整合成一個(gè)單一的網(wǎng)絡(luò)衅码；第三拯刁，它吸收了所有通往公共交通站點(diǎn)和相鄰微型區(qū)的主要人行道，以及運(yùn)動(dòng)場(chǎng)和各種社會(huì)和公用設(shè)施逝段。
The proposed design did not allow transit vehicles in the micro-district – all driveways finished with dead-ends. The distance between driveways and the most remote entries to apartment buildings did not exceed 60-80 m [fig. 7].
擬議的設(shè)計(jì)不允許微型區(qū)內(nèi)的公交車輛——所有車道都有死胡同垛玻。車道與公寓樓最偏遠(yuǎn)入口之間的距離不超過(guò)60-80米[圖7]。
Tyulpa’s designs were distinguished for their thorough elaboration. He searched for more efficient design and engineering solutions and he criticized his colleagues for insufficient study of the local topography, which invariably resulted in higher basement floors and increased the cost of construction. L. Tyulpa pointed out that the existing catalogs of standardized designs issued in 1958 had no single-section houses and buildings, where sections had different grade levels; he also believed that it was worth taking into account the existing trees as it might significantly reduce landscaping\ costs in future. It was L. Tyulpa who made sure that all design documents were developed and released for the whole micro-district, rather than for individual blocks, which helped to reduce discrepancies in the course of their alignment.
圖爾帕的設(shè)計(jì)因其精雕細(xì)琢而聞名惹恃。他尋求更有效的設(shè)計(jì)和工程解決方案夭谤，并批評(píng)他的同事對(duì)當(dāng)?shù)氐匦窝芯坎蛔愎啄粒@必然導(dǎo)致地下室樓層較高巫糙，并增加施工成本。L.Tyulpa指出颊乘，1958年發(fā)布的現(xiàn)有標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化設(shè)計(jì)目錄沒有單截面房屋和建筑物参淹，其中截面具有不同的等級(jí)；他還認(rèn)為乏悄，值得考慮現(xiàn)有樹木浙值，因?yàn)檫@可能會(huì)大大降低未來(lái)的綠化成本。正是L.Tyulpa確保為整個(gè)微區(qū)而不是單個(gè)街區(qū)編制和發(fā)布所有設(shè)計(jì)文件檩小，這有助于減少其對(duì)齊過(guò)程中的差異开呐。
Restoration of Kharkiv city center and construction of Saltovskiy housing estate for 300,000 dwellers: the implementation of modernist dream
哈爾科夫市中心的修復(fù)和為30萬(wàn)居民建造薩爾托夫斯基住宅區(qū)：現(xiàn)代主義夢(mèng)想的實(shí)現(xiàn)
Leonid Tyulpa was not a member of the design group that developed the master plan, but his work during that period of time was closely connected with it. Thus, in 1963 L. Tyulpa was appointed member of Urban Planning Group and together?with his colleagues he embarked on designing of what turned out to be the largest housing estate in the whole Ukrainian Soviet Republic, namely Saltovskiy housing estate for 300,000 dwellers. Within the period from 1966 to 1967 he also made a design proposal for the development of Kharkiv city center. Both projects were later included into the master plan of the city.
Leonid Tyulpa不是制定總體規(guī)劃的設(shè)計(jì)小組的成員，但他在這段時(shí)間內(nèi)的工作與總體規(guī)劃密切相關(guān)规求。因此筐付，1963年，L.Tyulpa被任命為城市規(guī)劃小組成員阻肿，他與同事們一起著手設(shè)計(jì)整個(gè)烏克蘭蘇維埃共和國(guó)最大的住宅區(qū)瓦戚，即為30萬(wàn)居民提供的索爾托夫斯基住宅區(qū)。1966年至1967年期間丛塌，他還提出了哈爾科夫市中心開發(fā)的設(shè)計(jì)方案较解。這兩個(gè)項(xiàng)目后來(lái)都被納入城市總體規(guī)劃。
By 1967, in collaboration with G. Wegman, P. Shpara, G. Galushko, and V. Belogub, L. Tyulpa had developed a project of Kharkiv city center restoration. According to this project, the central part of the city was regarded as a site for comprehensive restoration. Having built several micro-districts, the designers understood the necessity of bring the central part of the city into conformity with the general principles of urban design, with those standards and requirements that any new development had to comply with. The center was divided into functional areas. The area between Sumskaya and Rymarskaya streets, which already hosted a number of theaters and cinemas, was going to become a “cultural center of Kharkiv”, added by a new opera and ballet house. The area between Klochkovskaya street and the Lopan river was reserved for what was called “sports sector of the city center”, with a new Palace of Sports, a stadium, several sports grounds and pavilions.
到1967年赴邻，L.Tyulpa與G.Wegman印衔、P.Shara、G.Galushko和V.Belogub合作，開發(fā)了哈爾科夫市中心修復(fù)項(xiàng)目。根據(jù)該項(xiàng)目黎烈，該城市的中心部分被視為進(jìn)行全面修復(fù)的場(chǎng)地缕棵。在建造了幾個(gè)微型區(qū)之后俱箱，設(shè)計(jì)師們明白了將城市中心部分納入城市設(shè)計(jì)一般原則的必要性寇壳，以及任何新開發(fā)項(xiàng)目都必須遵守的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和要求日丹。該中心分為多個(gè)功能區(qū)贰您。Sumskaya和Rymarskaya街道之間的區(qū)域已經(jīng)有了許多劇院和電影院鲤桥，將成為“哈爾科夫文化中心”揍拆，并增加一個(gè)新的歌劇院和芭蕾舞院。Klochkovskaya街和Lopan河之間的區(qū)域被保留為所謂的“市中心體育區(qū)”茶凳，有一個(gè)新的體育宮殿嫂拴、一個(gè)體育場(chǎng)、幾個(gè)運(yùn)動(dòng)場(chǎng)和展館贮喧。
The project suggested the renovation of the existing residential blocks, introducing several new 9-storey multi-section houses, a number of facilities belonging to scientific and research institutions, “Intourist” hotel and a circus. Besides, it was planned to unite all the green areas into a single system, which involved the expansion of Shevchenko garden and the removal of run-down housing on the slopes of Klochkovskaya street. The slopes were turned into green areas, and so were the riverfronts and the area to the east of Pobedy park.
該項(xiàng)目建議對(duì)現(xiàn)有住宅區(qū)進(jìn)行改造筒狠，引進(jìn)幾棟新的9層多層住宅、一些屬于科研機(jī)構(gòu)的設(shè)施箱沦、“Inoturist”酒店和一個(gè)馬戲團(tuán)辩恼。此外，計(jì)劃將所有綠地合并為一個(gè)單一系統(tǒng)谓形，包括擴(kuò)建舍甫琴科花園和拆除Klochkovskaya街斜坡上的破舊房屋灶伊。山坡變成了綠色區(qū)域，河岸和波比迪公園以東的區(qū)域也變成了綠色區(qū)域寒跳。
The architects also suggested the restoration of the existing transport system. In order to facilitate the south-north pedestrian traffic, the east-west transit traffic was arranged along the southern border of the city center (which meant the construction of a new thoroughfare with two tunnels under Teveleva square), whereas the northsouth transit traffic was organized along Klochkovskaya street with an access to Oktyabrskoy Revolyutsii street.
建筑師們還建議恢復(fù)現(xiàn)有的交通系統(tǒng)聘萨。為了促進(jìn)南北向的行人交通，沿市中心南部邊界安排了東西向的過(guò)境交通（這意味著在Teveleva廣場(chǎng)下修建一條新的帶有兩條隧道的通道）童太，而南北過(guò)境交通是沿著Klochkovskaya街組織的米辐，通往Oktyabrskoy Revolyutsii街。
Before starting the design of Saltovskiy housing estate, Leonid Tyulpa outlined the following objectives to be achieved in this project. It sought to provide all necessary conditions for public welfare and recreation; to create a network of social and?utility infrastructure facilities; to ensure transport and walking accessibility both within the district and its access to outbound roads; to provide adequate living conditions during construction; to make best use of the existing topography. That was why he considered Saltovskiy housing estate as an independent satellite city of the historical Kharkiv, which would have its own center and all the elements typical of a city. This approach was supposed to result in a balanced city designed “from scratch”, taking into account the needs of the population, the most feasible public transport routes, the arrangement of cultural and recreational facilities and institutions. However, this decision had to be abandoned because the creation of a new city near the existing one would entail a major change in the entire internal structure of the radial ring communications of the city with a million-plus population. Since it required additional material expenses, it was decided to design Saltovskiy housing estate as part of the existing city in the form of two large interconnected residential areas connected with the rest of the city by means of arterial grid.
在開始設(shè)計(jì)Saltovsky住宅區(qū)之前书释，Leonid Tyulpa概述了本項(xiàng)目要實(shí)現(xiàn)的以下目標(biāo)翘贮。它尋求為公共福利和娛樂提供一切必要的條件；建立社會(huì)和公用事業(yè)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施網(wǎng)絡(luò)征冷；確保區(qū)內(nèi)交通和步行無(wú)障礙择膝，并確保其通往出境道路；在施工期間提供足夠的生活條件检激；充分利用現(xiàn)有地形肴捉。這就是為什么他認(rèn)為薩爾托夫斯基住宅區(qū)是歷史上哈爾科夫的一個(gè)獨(dú)立衛(wèi)星城，它將有自己的中心和城市的所有典型元素叔收。這一方法的目的是“從頭開始”設(shè)計(jì)一個(gè)平衡的城市齿穗，同時(shí)考慮到人口的需求、最可行的公共交通路線饺律、文化和娛樂設(shè)施和機(jī)構(gòu)的安排窃页。然而，這一決定不得不放棄，因?yàn)樵诂F(xiàn)有城市附近新建一座新城市將導(dǎo)致該市100多萬(wàn)人口的放射狀環(huán)形交通的整個(gè)內(nèi)部結(jié)構(gòu)發(fā)生重大變化脖卖。由于需要額外的材料費(fèi)用乒省，決定將Saltovskiy住宅區(qū)設(shè)計(jì)為現(xiàn)有城市的一部分，采用兩個(gè)大型互聯(lián)住宅區(qū)的形式畦木，通過(guò)干線電網(wǎng)與城市其他部分相連袖扛。
By 1963 it had become clear that the plan to build 16 million square meters (9 meters per person) by 1970 was not achievable. In order to accomplish that plan, it would be necessary to increase the amount of built housing up to 500 – 700 thousand square meters per year, which was beyond the capacity of Glavkharkovstroy (General Agency for Urban Planning and Construction in Kharkiv).
到1963年，很明顯十籍，到1970年建造1600萬(wàn)平方米（人均9米）的計(jì)劃無(wú)法實(shí)現(xiàn)蛆封。為了完成該計(jì)劃，有必要將建成住房數(shù)量增加到每年50-70萬(wàn)平方米勾栗，這超出了格拉夫哈爾科夫斯特羅（哈爾科夫城市規(guī)劃和建設(shè)總機(jī)構(gòu)）的能力惨篱。
L. Tyulpa made a decision to “enlarge every structural element within the housing estate”22 and divided the whole estate into two residential areas “A” and “B” (100 thousand dwellers and 2 thousand ha in each area). Each area was divided into several micro-districts of 130-480 ha (seven and six micro-districts within the residential areas “A” and “B” respectively). These residential areas were predominantly occupied by 9-12-story apartment houses with some space reserved for higher buildings. The distances between the intersections were 0.9 – 1.5 km. Placed within a walking distance of 400 meters, retail outlets and social and utility infrastructure facilities were enlarged to provide for the needs of up to 30 thousand people. L. Tyulpa was quite convinced that this kind of “enlargement”?would be very beneficial, as it was expected to reduce the construction and maintenance costs, ensure a higher level of service, bring a greater variety of goods to department stores. The centers of those residential micro-districts were duly located in compliance with the standard radius of 1 km, whereas the distance between the district centers was 2 km. The design proposal suggested the location of public transport stops, as well as the accessibility and coverage radius [fig. 9].
L.Tyulpa決定“擴(kuò)大住宅區(qū)內(nèi)的每個(gè)結(jié)構(gòu)要素”22，并將整個(gè)住宅區(qū)劃分為兩個(gè)住宅區(qū)“a”和“B”（每個(gè)區(qū)域有10萬(wàn)居民和2000公頃）围俘。每個(gè)區(qū)域被劃分為幾個(gè)130-480公頃的微型區(qū)（居住區(qū)“A”和“B”內(nèi)分別有七個(gè)和六個(gè)微型區(qū)）砸讳。這些住宅區(qū)主要由9-12層公寓樓占據(jù)，一些空間保留給高層建筑楷拳。交叉口之間的距離為0.9–1.5 km绣夺。在步行400米的范圍內(nèi)吏奸，擴(kuò)大了零售店以及社會(huì)和公用設(shè)施基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施欢揖，以滿足多達(dá)3萬(wàn)人的需求。L.Tyulpa非常相信這種“擴(kuò)大”將是非常有益的奋蔚，因?yàn)轭A(yù)計(jì)它將降低建設(shè)和維護(hù)成本她混，確保更高水平的服務(wù)，為百貨公司帶來(lái)更多種類的商品臭脓。這些微型住宅區(qū)的中心按照1公里的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)半徑適當(dāng)定位窘奏，而區(qū)中心之間的距離為2公里领猾。設(shè)計(jì)方案建議了公共交通站點(diǎn)的位置，以及可達(dá)性和覆蓋半徑[圖9]但金。
The total layout of the housing estate was based on the “home-work” system, meaning that the life of a common dweller was organized between these too destinations. So the living scenario was arranged along the network of highspeed roads which were essential for providing a convenient and quick access to workplaces. There were some public transport routes available within the territory of the housing estate, such as buses, trolleybuses, trams, shuttle buses and taxis. A new underground line was expected to appear here as well23. Along the?widest thoroughfares, namely Akademika Pavlova street and Traktorostroiteley avenue, there was a plan to build high-rise buildings and large public buildings. The intersections of major roads, on top of low hills, turned into local centers of residential blocks, where the dwellers could have access to social and utility infrastructure facilities and parks with well-equipped sports facilities.
住宅區(qū)的總體布局基于“家庭工作”系統(tǒng)梦裂，這意味著普通居民的生活是在這些目的地之間安排的年柠。因此答憔，生活場(chǎng)景沿著高速道路網(wǎng)絡(luò)布置傲武，這對(duì)于提供方便快捷的工作場(chǎng)所至關(guān)重要。在住宅區(qū)內(nèi)有一些公共交通路線瞻润，如公共汽車、無(wú)軌電車、有軌電車矾柜、穿梭巴士和出租車里覆。一條新的地下線路預(yù)計(jì)也將出現(xiàn)在這里23。沿著最寬的大道喧枷，即阿卡德米卡-巴甫洛娃街和特拉克托羅斯托里特利大道弓坞，有一項(xiàng)建造高層建筑和大型公共建筑的計(jì)劃隧甚。位于低山頂部的主要道路交叉口變成了當(dāng)?shù)鼐用駞^(qū)的中心戚扳，居民可以在這里使用社會(huì)和公用設(shè)施基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施以及配備有完善體育設(shè)施的公園超歌。
The so-called “focusing” method was employed for the detailed planning of residential blocks, which was used in the Ukrainian Soviet Republic for the first time. The main idea behind this method was placing social and utility infrastructure facilities around public transport stops24. Public transport stops became the primary elements of social and utility infrastructure network. This method made it possible to enlarge the grid of major thoroughfares, to reduce the number of intersections, to increase the distance between transport stops to 800-900 meters, to reduce the number of stops, and to increase the overall speed of traffic by 20%. The “focusing” method fully complied with the principle of “micro-districting”. By means of employing this principle, a micro-district was not limited to the streets, but it became organized around the “focus”, i.e. the radius of accessibility. The number and the capacity of social and utility facilities that were supposed to be covered by one “focus” center was carefully calculated, the location of public transport stops was well thought through, and the layout of major footpaths was outlined. The estimated population of one “focus” center in Kharkiv was approximately 28-30 thousand people [fig. 10, 11].
居住區(qū)的詳細(xì)規(guī)劃采用了所謂的“聚焦”方法脆荷，這在烏克蘭蘇維埃共和國(guó)是第一次使用。這種方法背后的主要思想是在公共交通站點(diǎn)周圍放置社會(huì)和公用設(shè)施基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施24禀综。公共交通站點(diǎn)成為社會(huì)和公用事業(yè)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施網(wǎng)絡(luò)的主要組成部分简烘。這種方法可以擴(kuò)大主要干道的網(wǎng)格苔严，減少交叉口數(shù)量定枷，將交通站點(diǎn)之間的距離增加到800-900米，減少站點(diǎn)數(shù)量届氢，并將總體交通速度提高20%欠窒。“聚焦”法完全符合“微區(qū)”原則退子。通過(guò)采用這一原則岖妄，微型區(qū)不僅限于街道，而是圍繞“焦點(diǎn)”寂祥，即可達(dá)性半徑進(jìn)行組織荐虐。仔細(xì)計(jì)算了一個(gè)“焦點(diǎn)”中心應(yīng)覆蓋的社會(huì)和公用設(shè)施的數(shù)量和容量，仔細(xì)考慮了公共交通站點(diǎn)的位置丸凭，并概述了主要人行道的布局福扬。哈爾科夫一個(gè)“焦點(diǎn)”中心的估計(jì)人口約為2.8-3萬(wàn)人[圖10腕铸、11]。
Within micro-districts residential groups were usually placed at the corners of the territories located between busy thoroughfares, whereas more “neutral” areas were allocated for local gardens, schools and kindergartens. The area followed a clear functional diagram: residential groups were located in the vicinity of public transport stops and social and utility infrastructure facilities; retail outlets and other facilities were located along the thoroughfares and near public transport stops; schools and kindergartens were placed in green areas in the core of the micro-district. In the same way as in the design of Pavlovo Pole housing estate, L. Tyulpa placed schools and kindergartens outside residential courtyards, which made it possible to create large courtyards with all necessary facilities, green?spaces, recreation places, which also provided apartment houses with noise protection and privacy.
在微型區(qū)內(nèi)铛碑，住宅區(qū)通常位于繁忙大道之間的區(qū)域角落狠裹，而更多的“中立”區(qū)域則被分配給當(dāng)?shù)鼗▓@、學(xué)校和幼兒園汽烦。該區(qū)域遵循清晰的功能圖：住宅區(qū)位于公共交通站點(diǎn)和社會(huì)及公用設(shè)施基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施附近涛菠；零售店和其他設(shè)施位于道路沿線和公共交通站點(diǎn)附近；學(xué)校和幼兒園被安置在微區(qū)核心的綠色區(qū)域撇吞。與巴甫洛沃·波爾住宅區(qū)的設(shè)計(jì)一樣俗冻，L.圖爾帕將學(xué)校和幼兒園安置在住宅庭院外，這使得有可能創(chuàng)建大型庭院牍颈，包括所有必要的設(shè)施言疗、綠地、娛樂場(chǎng)所颂砸，還為公寓提供噪音保護(hù)和隱私噪奄。
The design proposal also envisaged the construction of a university campus, i.e. several colleges with housing for students and teaching staff, a sports complex and utility facilities, alongside with a construction camp and scientific and research institutions. Taking into account the peculiarities of topography and river floodplains, a unified system of green areas was developed that brought together all local parks, gardens and boulevards, creating a comprehensive walking scenario not only within the micro-districts, but also throughout the entire housing estate. The year of 1959 marked the beginning of Bolshaya Zhuravlevskaya water reserve (the so-called “Kharkiv Sea”), measuring 0.6 km wide and 3 km long, which was meant to become a key destination for recreation: a stadium, a park, beaches and boat?stations were designed there. On the southern side of the housing estate, along the Nemyshlya river, another park with man-made lakes was planned.
設(shè)計(jì)提案還設(shè)想建設(shè)一個(gè)大學(xué)校園，即幾個(gè)學(xué)院人乓，為學(xué)生和教職員工提供住房勤篮，一個(gè)體育綜合設(shè)施和公用設(shè)施，以及一個(gè)施工營(yíng)地和科研機(jī)構(gòu)色罚∨龅蓿考慮到地形和河漫灘的特殊性，開發(fā)了統(tǒng)一的綠地系統(tǒng)戳护，將所有當(dāng)?shù)毓珗@金抡、花園和林蔭道匯集在一起，不僅在微型區(qū)內(nèi)腌且，而且在整個(gè)住宅區(qū)內(nèi)創(chuàng)造了一個(gè)全面的步行場(chǎng)景梗肝。1959年是Bolshaya Zhuravlevskaya水資源保護(hù)區(qū)（所謂的“哈爾科夫海”）的開始铺董，該保護(hù)區(qū)寬0.6公里巫击，長(zhǎng)3公里，旨在成為一個(gè)重要的娛樂目的地：那里設(shè)計(jì)了一個(gè)體育場(chǎng)精续、一個(gè)公園坝锰、海灘和船站。在住宅區(qū)的南面重付，沿著內(nèi)米什利亞河顷级，規(guī)劃了另一個(gè)有人工湖的公園。
The main difficulty faced by the urban planners was a rather poor “palette” of standardized buildings. The task of locating various social and utility infrastructure facilities was further complicated by the absence of standardized designs for such facilities with a capacity of 25-30 thousand people. Therefore, in some cases the architects had either to modify the existing projects, or to allow lower capacity of these facilities, or to duplicate institutions that were identical in their functions. While designing each micro-district, L. Tyulpa followed the rule he established himself: there had to be at least one truly original project designed for each micro-district.
城市規(guī)劃者面臨的主要困難是標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化建筑的“色調(diào)”相當(dāng)差确垫。各種社會(huì)和公用設(shè)施基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的選址任務(wù)因此類可容納2.5-3萬(wàn)人的設(shè)施缺乏標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化設(shè)計(jì)而變得更加復(fù)雜弓颈。因此拣凹，在某些情況下，建筑師要么修改現(xiàn)有項(xiàng)目恨豁，要么降低這些設(shè)施的容量嚣镜，要么復(fù)制功能相同的機(jī)構(gòu)。在設(shè)計(jì)每個(gè)微區(qū)時(shí)橘蜜，L.Tyulpa遵循他自己確立的規(guī)則：每個(gè)微區(qū)必須至少設(shè)計(jì)一個(gè)真正原創(chuàng)的項(xiàng)目菊匿。
Saltovskiy housing estate was built very rapidly due to the use of prefabricated structures produced by Kharkiv-based factories (DSK-1 and DSK-2). 320-480 thousand square meters of housing were built annually. There were cases when anine-story house was erected in 32 days, while the installation of the superstructure took only 17 days25 [fig. 14, 15].\
由于使用了哈爾科夫工廠（DSK-1和DSK-2）生產(chǎn)的預(yù)制結(jié)構(gòu)，薩爾托夫斯基住宅區(qū)的建設(shè)非常迅速计福。年建成住房32-48萬(wàn)平方米跌捆。有這樣的情況，一棟一層的房子在32天內(nèi)建成象颖，而上部結(jié)構(gòu)的安裝只需17天25[圖14佩厚、15]\
The last years of Leonid Tyulpa’s active work were associated with the design of thirteen micro-districts of Saltovskiy housing estate (numbers 601, 602, 603, 604, 5, 6, 605, 521, 520, 522, 624, 625 and 626) [fig. 12, 13].
Leonid Tyulpa最后幾年的積極工作與Saltovsky住宅區(qū)13個(gè)微型區(qū)的設(shè)計(jì)有關(guān)（編號(hào)601、602说订、603抄瓦、604、5陶冷、6钙姊、605、521埂伦、520煞额、522、624沾谜、625和626）[圖12膊毁、13]。
Conclusion
The approval of design solutions on the basis of their technical and economic feasibility was the main method of architectural design in the USSR starting since 1956. Kharkiv is a unique platform for studying mass housing development. The period between the two world wars saw the appearance of a large number of new types of housing featuring an active search for feasible planning solutions, whereas Pavlovo Pole and Saltovskiy housing estates are vivid examples of how Soviet housing evolved after World War II. The facts that architect L. Tyulpa was largely involved in designing these housing estates and a number of other key projects in Kharkiv has given an opportunity to personalize the research and examine the evolution of architectural forms from the perspective of personal design experience of the architect.
從1956年開始基跑，蘇聯(lián)建筑設(shè)計(jì)的主要方法是根據(jù)技術(shù)和經(jīng)濟(jì)可行性批準(zhǔn)設(shè)計(jì)方案婚温。哈爾科夫是研究大規(guī)模住房開發(fā)的獨(dú)特平臺(tái)。在兩次世界大戰(zhàn)之間涩僻，出現(xiàn)了大量新型住房缭召，積極尋求可行的規(guī)劃解決方案，而巴甫洛夫·波爾和薩爾托夫斯基住宅區(qū)則是二戰(zhàn)后蘇聯(lián)住房發(fā)展的生動(dòng)例子逆日。建筑師L.Tyulpa主要參與設(shè)計(jì)這些住宅區(qū)和哈爾科夫的許多其他關(guān)鍵項(xiàng)目，這一事實(shí)為從建筑師個(gè)人設(shè)計(jì)經(jīng)驗(yàn)的角度對(duì)研究進(jìn)行個(gè)性化和審查建筑形式的演變提供了機(jī)會(huì)萄凤。
L. Tyulpa is a key figure in the Kharkiv city planning, he was directly involved in the redevelopment of the post-war Kharkiv. The architect’s creative career evolved through all key stages, which illustrated the major processes in the postwar Soviet architectural theory, i.e. restoration of the city after the Second World War, the period of experiments and the search for efficient solutions in housing development, modernist restoration of historical cities and construction of huge housing estates. He made decisions at all levels, from conceptual solutions of master plan strategy to residential buildings individual projects.
L.Tyulpa是哈爾科夫城市規(guī)劃的關(guān)鍵人物室抽，他直接參與了戰(zhàn)后哈爾科夫的重建。建筑師的創(chuàng)作生涯經(jīng)歷了所有關(guān)鍵階段靡努，這說(shuō)明了戰(zhàn)后蘇聯(lián)建筑理論的主要過(guò)程坪圾，即第二次世界大戰(zhàn)后的城市恢復(fù)晓折、試驗(yàn)階段以及尋求住房開發(fā)的有效解決方案，歷史城市的現(xiàn)代主義修復(fù)和大型住宅區(qū)的建設(shè)兽泄。他在各個(gè)層面做出決策漓概，從總體規(guī)劃戰(zhàn)略的概念解決方案到住宅建筑和單個(gè)項(xiàng)目。
Pavlovo Pole and Saltovskiy housing estates were experimental sites where new design methods were developed. These projects laid the foundations for other housing estates development in Kharkiv, i. e. Alekseevsky housing estate, Novyie?doma, Gorizont, etc. Despite the fact that these two implementations were created in other different economic and political context, they were adapted and they are operating today. This allows us to talk about the possibility of a successful integrated regeneration of this urban environment.
巴甫洛沃波爾和薩爾托夫斯基住宅區(qū)是開發(fā)新設(shè)計(jì)方法的實(shí)驗(yàn)場(chǎng)所病梢。這些項(xiàng)目為哈爾科夫的其他房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)奠定了基礎(chǔ)胃珍。EAlekseevsky housing estate、Novyie doma蜓陌、Gorizont等觅彰。盡管這兩個(gè)實(shí)施方案是在其他不同的經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治背景下創(chuàng)建的，但它們都經(jīng)過(guò)了調(diào)整钮热，并在今天運(yùn)行填抬。這使我們能夠討論成功整合城市環(huán)境再生的可能性。
Due to development of these two housing estates during a very short period of time, less than 35 years, more than 350,000 people were able to settle their new individual apartments. However, L. Tyulpa’s ideas were not fully realized. Unwieldy bureaucratic Party apparatus and the imperfection of the construction procedure technologies led to mistakes, which had to be solved directly on the fabricating yard. Despite the fact that L. Tyulpa managed to obtain permits and sometimes designed individual projects for service objects, their number was very small. The housing estates were large and monotonous; they could not to answer the people needs in the quality living environment. Saltovskiy housing estate also was not realized as a separate socialist city that L. Tyulpa wanted. Although this nonrealization allowed the estate to better adapt in the new economic conditions.
由于這兩個(gè)屋苑在不到35年的短時(shí)間內(nèi)發(fā)展隧期，超過(guò)35萬(wàn)人能夠安頓他們的新個(gè)人公寓飒责。然而，L.Tyulpa的想法并沒有完全實(shí)現(xiàn)仆潮。笨拙的官僚機(jī)構(gòu)和不完善的施工程序技術(shù)導(dǎo)致了錯(cuò)誤读拆，必須直接在制造場(chǎng)解決。盡管L.Tyulpa設(shè)法獲得了許可證鸵闪，有時(shí)還為服務(wù)對(duì)象設(shè)計(jì)了單獨(dú)的項(xiàng)目檐晕，但其數(shù)量非常少。住宅區(qū)又大又單調(diào)蚌讼；他們無(wú)法在高質(zhì)量的生活環(huán)境中滿足人們的需求辟灰。索爾托夫斯基住宅區(qū)也沒有實(shí)現(xiàn)作為一個(gè)獨(dú)立的社會(huì)主義城市，L.Tyulpa想要篡石。盡管這種非現(xiàn)實(shí)化使房地產(chǎn)更好地適應(yīng)新的經(jīng)濟(jì)條件芥喇。
