第3章 “從伯爾尼到法蘭克福再到耶拿時期：失敗的計劃和新的開始”(3)

They no doubt disputed with each other about the relative merits of Catholicism and Protestantism, although there is no reason to think that these conversations ever went very deep. Hegel apparently could never take women seriously as intellectual equals; the idea of the modern emancipated woman was not one with which - to put the most charitable reading on his behavior - he felt comfortable. No doubt he could not take seriously the disputations of a young Catholic woman of so much less education than he. However, Nanette Endel could give as well as take; she teased him about his vaunted intellectual superiority, addressing him as Magister (Master, his degree title from the university), and Hegel quite obviously was willing to accept such teasing from someone who was willing to engage with him on a less than fully serious level. (Even later in Berlin, Hegel had a preference for passing a good part of his time with less educated people who liked to joke and play cards rather than those who insisted on discussing more heady intellectual matters; in fact, Hegel’s circle of friends always included a diverse throng of people.)

? ? 他們無疑彼此爭論天主教和新教相對優(yōu)劣問題榴捡，盡管沒有理由認為這些爭論很有深度。黑格爾顯然絕不可能認真地把女子看作和男子智力上是平等的；思想解放的現(xiàn)代女子想法不是一種——一對他的行為作出最為寬容的解讀——被他覺得很舒服的想法掌实。毋庸置疑趣惠，他不可能把跟信奉天主教的年輕女子爭論當回事，因為她比起他來所受的教育實在太少了。然而納內(nèi)特·恩德爾毫不示弱地反擊黑格爾复濒；她取笑他知識上占優(yōu)是自吹自擂府喳，稱他為Magister（碩士這個他從大學獲得的學位）蒲肋，黑格爾很顯然愿意接受來自樹人的取笑，因為此人愿意在完全開玩笑層面上和他交手钝满。（甚至后來在柏林時期兜粘，黑格爾仍然寧可和受教育程度低的喜歡開玩笑的牌友一起度過大量時光，而不愿意和那些堅持探討更使人頭痛的知識問題的人們在一起弯蚜；實際上孔轴，黑格爾朋友圈中總是有著一幫各色各樣的人們。）

The flirtation and joking with Nanette Endel obviously helped to revive Hegel’s spirits and put his all-too-serious reflections on modern religion into perspective. Each morning she would help him tie his cravat, and in the evening he would read to the gathered family and Ms. Endel portions of a popular novel that had been serialized in Schiller’s magazine, Die Horen. (The fact that Hegel’s family subscribed to Schiller’s magazine is further evidence of the importance attached to Bildung in his family.) In a letter to her from Frankfurt — her letters to him were all, alas, probably destroyed by Hegel’s sons after his death Hegel mentions her going to “confession” for some unmentioned wrongdoing, and the context indicates that it was probably on account of a pass that Hegel made at her and her subsequent worrying that she had somehow “initiated” his behavior. He remarks jokingly on how much more strict the Catholics seem to be in Frankfurt and how she would not get off as easily there, and about how she had absolved him without “inflicting a penance.”^? Hegel remarks on how they danced a lot on the night of his departure from Stuttgart. In a very revealing letter to Nanette Endel from Frankfurt in 1797, Hegel interrupts himself after going on about serious moral themes, and notes simply, “I do not know why I always fall into general reflections. But you will forgive a man who was once a Magister, and who drags himself around with this title and its accessories as with a thorn in the flesh from an angel of Satan ... I have every reason to assume that longer association with you w'ould have liberated me more and granted me a greater capacity for merrymaking.”^^ He clearly missed her while in Frankfurt. In the little piece of verse she wrote almost thirty years later for her friend Christiane Hegel, about Hegel himself, she remarks on how, on Hegel’s departure from Stuttgart, she (ever the proper Catholic girl) had to assume a “penance” for herself, holding out both hands in order to avoid the kiss Hegel obviously wanted to give her.“

? ? 與納內(nèi)特·恩德爾的調(diào)情和開玩笑碎捺，明顯有助于黑格爾提振精神路鹰，有助于使他對現(xiàn)代宗教極其嚴肅認真的沉思形成某些視角。每天早上她總是幫助他打領(lǐng)帶收厨，晚上他總是給一大家人和恩德爾女士朗讀一篇通俗小說中的某些部分悍引，這篇通俗小說在席勒主編的雜志《時序》上連載。（黑格爾家在席勒主編的雜志上簽字這件事進一步證明教育在他家所具有的重要性帽氓。在一封從法蘭克福寄給她的信中——遺憾的是她寫給他的全部信件很可能在黑格爾死后都被他的兒子銷毀了——黑格爾提到她要去為某些未提及的錯誤做法“懺悔”趣斤，信中語境表明這話很可能是在描述這樣一種境況，黑格爾對她做出調(diào)情和她隨后擔心她以某種方式“激起”了他的調(diào)情行為黎休，“他開玩笑地談?wù)撎熘鹘探掏娇此圃诜ㄌm克福多么更加道貌岸然浓领，她大概在那里怎么不容易逃脫懲罰玉凯，她如何早已寬恕他而無須“施加悔過”。黑格爾談?wù)摰剿麄儌z在他離開斯圖加特那個夜晚怎樣跳了很長時間舞联贩。在一封1797年從法蘭克福寫給納內(nèi)特·恩德爾的非常露骨的信中漫仆，黑格爾在連續(xù)談?wù)摱鄠€嚴肅的道德話題后突然中斷，單刀直入地指出泪幌，“我不知道我為什么總是陷入全面的反省盲厌。但是你可能會寬恕這個男子，因為他曾是一名碩士祸泪，因為他費盡九牛二虎之力才獲得這個頭銜和它如同使撒旦天使苦惱的附屬品……我有一切理由假定吗浩，與你長時間的交往也許已經(jīng)使我思想更加解放，也許已經(jīng)使我承認我更加尋歡作樂没隘《螅”他顯然當時在法蘭克福的時候與她失之交臂。在一首她幾乎30年后寫給友人克里斯蒂安娜·黑格爾的小詩中右蒲，關(guān)于黑格爾本人阀湿，她談?wù)摰溃院诟駹栯x開斯圖加特后瑰妄，她（這個向來循規(guī)蹈矩的信奉天主教女孩）怎樣不得不假裝為她自己“悔過”陷嘴，伸出雙手以擋開黑格爾明顯想送給她的親吻。

No doubt Hegel tossed around in his mind the idea of a more lasting relationship with Nanette Endel, and it is more than likely that Nanette Endel thought about much the same thing. How far these ruminations went, we cannot say, nor can we know if Hegel ever expressed his thoughts about this to Nanette Endel or if she expressed hers to him.? Hegel’s relationship with Nanette Endel was surely colored by a romantic interest, but its extent and seriousness cannot be determined. Perhaps the religious difference, and maybe the class difference, were simply too great for either of them to overcome. In any event, they seemed to have had a jolly time together, and Hegel even mentioned the possibility, almost a year later, of their “visiting” each other, something that never came to pass.

? ? 毫無疑問间坐，黑格爾想跟納內(nèi)特·恩德爾長期交好的想法令黑格爾寢食不安罩旋，這可能勝過納內(nèi)特·恩德爾對相同事情的許多思考。這兩人的相思到底持續(xù)多次眶诈，我們無從談起，我們也不知道黑格爾是否曾向納內(nèi)特·恩德爾表達過他的思念之情或她是否向他表達過她的思念之情瓜饥。黑格爾與納內(nèi)特·恩德爾的關(guān)系肯定是絢麗多彩和充滿浪漫情調(diào)的逝撬，但是我們無法確定這種關(guān)系的深淺和認真程度。也許宗教上的差異或許社會階層差異太大以致他們兩人每個人都根本無法克服這些差異乓土。無論如何宪潮，他們看似共同度過了一段快活的時光，黑格爾甚至幾乎在一年后還提到他們倆有可能彼此“拜訪”趣苏，但是這事絕沒有變成現(xiàn)實狡相。

There were, however, other nonerotic matters afoot in Wiirttemberg at the time that also attracted Hegel’s attention and held it even for quite a while after he had relocated to Frankfurt. For the first time since 1770, the Wiirttemberg Parliament (the Landtag) had been summoned to meet on September 22, 1796, for the purpose of discussing the issue of war payments to France. (The “constitutional settlement” of 1770 had made the issue of such payments a matter for the assembly of estates to decide, so the duke had no choice but to summon the Landtag.) There was quite a bit of talk in the air that perhaps it would lead to a revolution in Wiirttemberg, just as the calling of the Estates General in France had led to the French Revolution. Moreover, after the troops of the revolutionary Republic of France had in 1796 and 1797 invaded Baden and Wiirttemberg from Strasbourg under the leadership of General Moreau, what were called the Swabian patriots “patriot” at this time meaning “those who showed the love of their country by wishing to renew it by reform or revolution”*' - cheered on the incursion, expecting the revolutionary French troops to support the revolutionary cause in Wiirttemberg.

? ? 然而，當時符騰堡正在發(fā)生的還有其他非情色的事情食磕，這樣的事情同樣也吸引了黑格爾的注意力并甚至在他重新移居法蘭克福后很長時間還在吸引他的注意力尽棕。自1770年以來第一次，符騰堡議會（the Landtag）在有關(guān)方面要求下在1796年12月22日召開彬伦，目的在于商討對法戰(zhàn)爭賠款問題滔悉。（1770年的“制憲”早就使得這樣的賠償問題變成社會階層開會決定的問題伊诵，所以符騰堡君主別無選擇只得召集議會成員開會。）會上盡是些不著邊際的大話空話回官，也許這當然會導(dǎo)致符騰堡革命曹宴，正像法國議會的要求導(dǎo)致了法國大革命一樣。尚不止于此歉提，在法蘭西共和國革命軍1796年和1797年在莫羅將軍率領(lǐng)下先后入侵斯特拉斯堡的巴登和符騰堡之后笛坦，人們所稱作的斯瓦比亞愛國者——“愛國者”在當時指的是“那些借助希望通過改革或革命來振興國家從而顯示對自已國家的熱愛的人們”——歡呼法國革命軍的入侵，期待法國革命軍支持符騰堡的革命事業(yè)苔巨。

The incentives for unrest in Wiirttemberg had been building for some time. After his death in 1793, Karl Eugen was at first succeeded by his two brothers. His first successor was Ludwig Eugen, who ruled from 1793 to 1795. Under pressure from the other powers in Wiirttemberg and in light of Prussia’s treaty with France in 1795, Ludwig Eugen - who abolished the Karhschule.1 Tiibingen University’s great competitor - tried to enter into peace negotiations with France to keep Wiirttemberg away from the growing atmosphere of war in Europe. After his death, Friedrich Eugen (the other brother) succeeded him and ruled from 1795 until his death in 1797. Friedrich Eugen had been a Prussian general and Karl Eugen’s governor in the (French) territories of Mompelgard (Montbeliard). It was on his watch that General Moreau had crossed into Wiirttemberg in 1796 and effectively brought it into the French sphere of power; in 1796, the French had driven a hard bargain in the peace negotiations with Friedrich Eugen. Among other things, they had demanded both four million francs in war reparations and the right to freely march through Wiirttemberg. Because of losses suffered in skirmishes with Austrian troops, however, the French had to withdraw in the autumn of 1796 from all of southwest Germany. As a consequences of this withdrawal, Wiirttemberg was freed from plundering by French troops but was left open to plundering by Austrian troops. The situation, however, was again also made unstable by Napoleon’s coming in 1797 to within striking distance of Vienna after having routed Austrian troops in Italy. On July 9, 1797, a Cisalpine republic composed of Milan, Modena, Ferrara, Bologna, and Romagna was proclaimed by the victorious French troops. The Swabian patriots obviously hoped that something similar would fall to them once the French set foot in Wiirttemberg.

? ? 那將引起符騰堡動蕩的刺激因素已經(jīng)聚集了好長時間版扩。在他1793年過世后，卡爾·歐根的職位起初由他兩個兄弟繼承恋拷。他的第一個繼承者是路德維献世鳎·歐根，1793年至1795年主政蔬顾。迫于符騰堡其他勢力的壓力宴偿，依據(jù)普魯士1795年和法國簽訂的條約，路德維暇骰恚·歐根——他關(guān)閉了卡爾學院這一圖賓根大學最大競爭者——嘗試跟法國進行和平談判以使符騰堡遠離歐洲逐漸增長的戰(zhàn)爭氣氛窄刘。在路德維希·歐根駕崩后舷胜，弗里德里厦浼·歐根（卡爾·歐根的另一個兄弟）繼承了路德維希·歐根的王位烹骨，1795年開始主政直到1797年駕崩為止翻伺。弗里德里希·歐根曾是一名普魯士將軍和卡爾·歐根默佩爾加爾（蒙貝利亞爾）法國領(lǐng)地的管理者沮焕。正是在他的注視下吨岭，莫羅將軍1796年率部進入符騰堡，實際上使得符騰堡成為法國勢力范圍峦树；早在1796年辣辫，法國人就已跟弗里德里希·歐根展開了一場艱難的討價還價的和談魁巩。其中還包括一些事情急灭，他們要求400萬法郎用于戰(zhàn)爭賠款和有權(quán)自由通行符騰堡。然而谷遂，由于在與奧地利軍隊小規(guī)模沖突中遭受損失葬馋，法國人在1796年秋不得不撤出整個德國西南部。作為這次撤退的結(jié)果，符騰堡擺脫了法國軍隊的劫掠而卻遭到奧地利軍隊的劫掠点楼∩猓可是，局面復(fù)又被拿破侖在1797年的到來攪得動蕩不安掠廓，其時的拿破侖在意大利擊潰奧地利軍隊后經(jīng)過長途行軍打擊維也納换怖。1797年7月9日，得勝的法軍宣布成立一個由米蘭蟀瞧、摩德納沉颂、費拉拉、博洛尼亞悦污、羅馬涅組成的山南共和國铸屉。斯瓦比亞愛國者明顯希望一旦法國人進入符騰堡，相似的東西就將會降臨到他們頭上切端。

However, their hopes for support were too soon to be dampened. By the time of their incursions into Wiirttemberg, the French had assumed a much more self-interested policy. The Revolution had been continually under attack, and the French had thereby become less interested in spreading revolution in general than with preserving the successes of the Revolution at home. After the defeat of the Prussian-Austrian forces at Valmy in 1792, the counterrevolutionary German powers had continually tried to regroup, but French troops had continued to win scores of decisive battles in Germany. In April, 1795, the Prussians, badly battered, finally broke ranks with the Austrians and signed a treaty with the French, and in 1796 Napoleon Bonaparte, having just become a general, shifted the war to Italy and defeated the Austrians there. Nonetheless, despite these victories, the French had reason to fear (and history was to prove them right) that the counterrevolutionary coalition would spring up again. Moreover, they had to deal with counterrevolutionary activity within France itself; The revolt of the Vendee in western France - where pro-Catholic, antirevolutionary forces had asserted themselves - was putting great stress on the revolutionary regime in Paris. The last thing the regime believed it needed was to have a revolution break out in Germany in places where they were establishing beachheads for their protection against the Austrians and Prussians.? Consequently, the revolutionary armies under Moreau tended to restrict themselves to pillaging the huts and houses of ordinary people in Wiirttemberg, leaving the castles of the nobility largely untouched. In October 1797, the French signed a treaty with the Austrian Habsburg regime at Campio Formio, which required the Austrians to cede the left bank of the Rhine and which in principle guaranteed compensation to Wiirttemberg for the lands west of the Rhine that the French had seized from it.

? ? 然而支撐他們的這種希望必定不久就將會破滅彻坛。到他們?nèi)肭至朔v堡時，法國人還假設(shè)了一種更加自鳴得意的政策踏枣。法國大革命繼續(xù)受到打擊昌屉，法國人因而大體上變得對傳播革命不大感興趣，而只是保護法國大革命在國內(nèi)的勝利果實茵瀑。在1792年于瓦爾米擊敗普魯士奧地利聯(lián)軍后间驮，德國反革命勢力繼續(xù)力圖重整旗鼓東山再起，但是法國軍隊卻繼續(xù)在德國決定性戰(zhàn)役中贏得勝利马昨。1795年的4月竞帽，普魯士人在經(jīng)過殘酷的戰(zhàn)斗后最終與奧地利人分道揚鑣而跟法國人簽訂條約，1796年拿破侖·波拿巴鸿捧，在剛剛當上將軍后屹篓，就轉(zhuǎn)戰(zhàn)意大利并在那里打敗了奧地利人。然而匙奴，盡管取得了這些勝利堆巧，法國人仍然有理由擔心（歷史必將證明他們是對的）反革命聯(lián)盟將會死灰復(fù)燃。不止于此饥脑，法國人必須對付法國自己內(nèi)部的反革命活動：法國西部旺代的暴亂——那里親天主教的反革命勢力堅持他們自己的權(quán)利——給巴黎革命政權(quán)造成很大壓力。革命政權(quán)相信它自己所需要的最后的東西很可能是德國某些地方爆發(fā)革命懦冰，在那些地方法國人建立堡壘以防止奧地利人和普魯士人的攻擊灶轰。結(jié)果是，莉羅領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下的革命軍常常嚴格自律不私闖符騰堡黎民百姓的民宅刷钢，盡量不去染指貴族的城堡笋颤。1797年10月，法國人跟奧地利哈布斯堡王朝在坎波福米奧簽訂了條約，該條約要求奧地利人割讓萊茵河左岸伴澄，原則上保證對符騰堡作出補償赋除，因為法國人根據(jù)該條約占領(lǐng)了萊茵河以西的土地。

In these circumstances, Wiirttemberg under Friedrich Eugen’s reignsimply became more and more ungovernable. The Ehrbarkeit beganasserting themselves as never before and on their own initiative sentrepresentatives to the Congress at Rastatt (a congress first convened in1797, at which the Germans ceded the city of Mainz to the French andwhich Hegel’s friends, Isaak von Sinclair and Holderlin, also attended).Thus Friedrich Eugen found himself in the embarrassing position ofhaving his own governmental representatives at the conference compet?ing with the representatives appointed by the estates, with no clear lineof authority to decide who had responsibility for what. The battle ofthe estates with the monarch, however, took a much different turn whenon December 23, 1797, Friedrich Eugen died, and his oldest son,Friedrich II, assumed power. Friedrich II almost immediately launchedinto a protracted battle with the estates - a battle that he was eventuallyto win by using French power to consolidate his position against the oldestates of Wiirttemberg and thereby bring to an end the entrenchedgutes alte Recht (good old law). Not only was Friedrich II able to destroythe power of the estates; he was with French help to have himselfelevated from duke to king in 1806. However, in 1797, none of this was,of course, foreseeable.

? ? 在這種情況下非凌，弗里德里暇倥·歐根主政下的符騰堡簡直變得越來越難以治理。符騰堡非貴族知名人士著手堅持他們自己以前從未有過的權(quán)利敞嗡，自主派出代表參加拉施塔特會議（一次最初于1797年召開的會議颁糟，會上德國人把美因茨城割讓給法國人，出席本次會議的還有黑格爾的友人伊薩克·馮·辛克萊和荷爾德林）喉悴。因而棱貌，弗里德里希·歐根發(fā)覺他自己處在讓本次會議上他自己政府的代表與社會各階層任命的代表彼此競爭的尬尬境地箕肃，沒有清晰的權(quán)威思路來決定究竟誰應(yīng)該對出現(xiàn)這種尬尬的局面負責婚脱。然而，社會各階層與王室的爭斗發(fā)生了重大轉(zhuǎn)折勺像，1797年11月23日弗里德里险厦常·歐根駕崩，長子弗里德里希二世登基咏删。弗里德里希二世幾乎迅速跟社會各階層進行一場曠日持久的斗爭——一場他憑借下列做法贏得的由此使僵化的古老的美好的法律（gutes alte Recht）壽終正寢的斗爭：利用法國力量反對符騰堡舊社會階層進而鞏固他的地位惹想。不僅僅弗里德里希二世能夠摧毀某些社會階層的權(quán)力；他在法國人幫助下必將在1806年使自己由公爵提升為國君督函。然而在1797年這件事當然是完全無法預(yù)知的嘀粱。

Although the Swabian patriots were certainly rankled by the refusal of the French to support their cause, this did not stop them from trying to foment some sort of revolution in Wiirttemberg. If anything, the incursions of the French only made their claims against the duke all the more pressing. The patriots ranged from those who merely wished to reassert against the duke the traditional claims of the estates in Wiirttemberg (which he was fighting tooth and nail) to those who wanted to do away with the duke and establish, a la France, a Wiirttemberg Republic. Moreover, the French incursion led to the postponing of the meeting of the Landtag, something that in itself did nothing to stop the political agitation going on in Wiirttemberg. It might indeed have actually fanned further discontent. As a consequence, Stuttgart itself became deluged with political pamphlets. It is virtually certain that Hegel read a great many of these; he even saved them, and several such pamphlets were found in his collection after his death in 1831.

? ? 雖然有些斯瓦比亞愛國者肯定因法國人拒絕支持他們的事業(yè)而感到痛心，但這卻沒有阻止他們嘗試在符騰堡據(jù)起某種革命辰狡。如果說有什么不同的話锋叨，法國人的入侵只是讓他們更加迫切地宣稱反對公爵。斯瓦比亞愛國者們由兩類人組成宛篇，他們分別是那些只希望重申反對公爵對待符騰堡社會階層的傳統(tǒng)主張（公爵正竭盡全力地與之作斗爭）的人們與那些想廢除公爵和在法國建立符騰堡共和國的人們娃磺。尚不止于此，法國人的入侵致使符騰堡議會會議延期召開叫倍，這件事本身根本無法阻止符騰堡正在發(fā)生的政治動蕩偷卧。它確實可能實際上激起了人們更加不滿。因此斯圖加特本身變成了很多政治小冊子泛濫成災(zāi)的地方吆倦。實際上黑格爾當然閱讀過很多這類小冊子听诸；他甚至還收藏了它們，若干本這樣的小冊子在他1831年辭世后見于他的收藏中蚕泽。

Although he became aware of these developments while staying at home in Stuttgart, after arriving in Frankfurt Hegel attempted to enter the debates in Wiirttemberg with a pamphlet of his own about the need for reform there (which also remained unpublished in his lifetime). In that pamphlet (or what survives of it), he struck out against the conservatives in the debate and argued that the institutions of the “constitutional settlement” in Wiirttemberg no longer corresponded to the shape that life in Wiirttemberg had come to assume. For the “new” Wiirttemberg, he proposed a system of representation in which the Landtag would have regular, periodic meetings, instead of the irregular ones that the duke would call only when pressured to do so.“ Echoing his Bernese Kantianism, he made a moral appeal to the Wiirttembergers for the “courage to practice justice.” The title of the manuscript in Hegel’s own handwriting is, “That the Magistrates Must be Elected by the Citizens {Biirgern); To the Wiirttemberg People,” but that was at some point crossed out and (in somebody else’s handwriting) is written instead, “On the Most Recent Internal Relations of Wiirttemberg, in particular on the Violation of the Magistrate’s Constitution; To Wiirttemberg’s Patriots.”) He sent the manuscript to three unnamed friends in Stuttgart, who, to his disappointment, talked him out of publishing it, claiming that the actions of the French in Wiirttemberg had discredited all apologies for and defenses of the Revolution in Wiirttemberg, and that Hegel’s manuscript would therefore serve only to set back the cause of reform rather than to help it.“ Hegel, no doubt reluctantly and somewhat dejectedly, put it aside, but he did not put aside his continuing reflections on the political state of affairs in Germany. (It was during this period that his translation and commentary on J .J. Cart’s pamphlet was anonymously published in 1798.)

? ? 雖然他住在斯圖加特家中時開始注意到這些發(fā)展晌梨，但在到達法蘭克福后黑格爾嘗試參與那場關(guān)于他自己撰寫的必須在符騰堡進行改革的小冊子的爭論（這本小冊子同樣也仍然沒有在他生前發(fā)表）。在這本小冊子（或它的殘篇）中，他猛烈抨擊這場爭論中的保守派仔蝌，堅稱符騰堡的“制憲”機構(gòu)不復(fù)與符騰堡生活最終呈現(xiàn)的形態(tài)相一致泛领。至于“新的”符騰堡，他建議實行代議制敛惊，因此符騰堡議會應(yīng)該正常定期召開會議渊鞋，而不應(yīng)該公爵總是僅僅在迫于壓力時才召集代表召開臨時會議。在重復(fù)他以伯爾尼時期康德哲學時豆混，他道德上訴諸于“勇敢踐行正義”的符騰堡人篓像。一部系黑格爾自己筆跡的手稿題為“地方官必須由公民（bürger）選舉；致符騰堡國民”皿伺，但是這部手稿中某些觀點被刪除了而被（用其他人筆跡）寫出员辩，“論符騰堡最近的內(nèi)部關(guān)系，特別是論對文職官員任命的褻瀆鸵鸥；致符騰堡愛國者”奠滑。他把這部手稿送給三位未被提及姓名的斯圖加特朋友，這三位朋友妒穴，使他非常失望宋税，建議他不要發(fā)表這部手稿，聲稱法國人在符騰堡所作所為根本不可相信是他們對符騰堡的道歉和對在符騰堡為法國大革命辯護的道歡讼油，并聲稱黑格爾手稿因此應(yīng)該僅僅起到阻礙改革事業(yè)的作用而非為幫助改革服務(wù)杰赛。黑格爾，無疑勉強地且有點沮喪地矮台，把這部手稿束之高閣乏屯，而他繼續(xù)對德意志政治事態(tài)進行反思。（正是在這個時期瘦赫，他翻譯和評注的J·卡特的小冊子匿名出版于1798年辰晕。）

Frankfurt: Holderlin and New Horizons

Holderlin ’s Friendship, Holderlin’s Influence

法蘭克福：荷爾德林和新視域

荷爾德林的友誼，荷爾德林的影響

In Berne, Hegel had felt isolated, but in Frankfurt, Hegel now found himself in the middle of things. Frankfurt was a bustling commercial town with a more cosmopolitan air than Berne at that time, and life with the Gogel family was a world away from the smug, reactionary family of the von Steigers. While in Frankfurt, Hegel wrote several letters to Nanette Endel, jokingly telling her about how little space there was for a Saint Alexis in Frankfurt. The prosperous, materialist Frankfurters, he said, certainly would be loathe to give up sex, but they would be even less inclined to give up their property. Hegel remarked that “upon mature reflection I have decided not to try to improve anything in these people, but on the contrary to howl with the wolves” (citing a German proverb that means, roughly, something between “when in Rome, do as the Romans do” and “if you can’t beat them, join them”), a far cry from the slightly depressive, moralizing tone he had brought with him from Berne to Stuttgart.'’'* In keeping with that new outlook of “if you can’t beat them, join them,” he also related to Nanette Endel how he was going to balls and to the opera in Frankfurt and how he had become more “equal to the world,” more like the world than the alienated, moralistic “educator of the people” in Berne could ever have been.?? He even indulged in Rousseauian exaggeration, noting that the experience of big city life would from time to time drive him out of Frankfurt to the country, where, as he told her, “I reconcile myself there in the arms of nature with myself and with men” and how the “stillness of nature” allowed him to “collect himself.”?? (All this from the man who only a year before had found a walk through nature in the Alps to be almost a complete waste of time.) In a remark intended to raise Ms. Endel’s eyebrows, he even remarked on how little he went to church: “As soon as you stopped holding me to piety, it was all over. I never more than pass by churches.”?''

? ? 在伯爾尼确虱，黑格爾感到形單影只含友，而在法蘭克福，黑格爾現(xiàn)在發(fā)覺閑不下手來校辩。法蘭克福這個商業(yè)城市喧囂繁華窘问，世界大都市氣息勝過當時的伯爾尼，而且跟戈格爾家人生活在一起意味著遠離馮·施泰格爾家人沾沾自喜的反動家族的世界宜咒。當在法蘭克福的時候惠赫，黑格爾給納內(nèi)特·恩德爾寫了若干封書信，開玩笑地告訴她在法蘭克福圣亞歷克西斯住的地方是多么的小荧呐。富有的汉形、貪圖物質(zhì)享受的法蘭克福人，他說道倍阐，當然也許喜歡把性掛在嘴邊概疆，而他們也許不大傾向于放棄他們的財產(chǎn)。黑格爾評論道峰搪，“按照成熟的反思岔冀，我已經(jīng)決定不去嘗試提升這些人的任何東西，而恰恰與狼的嗥叫相反”（引用一句德國諺語概耻，諺語的意思大致介于“人鄉(xiāng)隨俗”與“無力勝之則從之”之間）使套，一種稍帶壓抑、充滿道德說教語調(diào)的遠方的呼喊已經(jīng)被他從伯爾尼帶到斯圖加特鞠柄≌旄撸“在恪守‘無力勝之則從之’這個新觀點時，他同樣也對納內(nèi)特·恩德爾訴說他多么想去參加法蘭克福舞會和聽歌劇厌杜，他怎么已經(jīng)變得更加‘與世界平起平坐’和怎么已經(jīng)變得更加像世界一樣的東西奉呛，而那拒人于十里之外的、滿口道德主義的伯爾尼‘人民教育家’絕不可能成為我這樣的人夯尽∏谱常”他甚至沉溺于盧梭主義的浮夸言詞，強調(diào)指出大城市生活經(jīng)歷當然時時把他從法蘭克福趕到鄉(xiāng)間匙握，在鄉(xiāng)間咆槽，像他告訴她的一樣，“我在大自然的懷抱中同我自己同人們達成了一致”以及“大自然的寧靜”怎么使他能夠“凝神屏息”圈纺。（上述這些話都是出自一個男子之口秦忿，這個男子只在一年前就已發(fā)覺穿過阿爾卑斯山自然景觀幾乎完全是在浪費時間。）在一篇意在吸引納內(nèi)特·恩德爾眼球的評論中赠堵，他甚至談?wù)摰佬≡ǎ嵌嗝春苌偃ソ烫米龆Y拜：“您一不復(fù)認為我是虔誠的，這下子就全完了茫叭。我常常只是路過教堂而已酬屉。”

Most importantly for Hegel, he was reunited with his friend Holderlin. At the Seminary, Holderlin had been Hegel’s closest friend, and the attachment that the two felt for each other had clearly survived the few years since both had left Tubingen. During that period, Holderlin had attended Fichte’s lectures at Jena and was brimming with ideas about post-Kantian philosophy. Although moving swiftly into his short but brilliant career as a poet (he was to suffer a permanent mental breakdown in the early i8oos), Holderlin was at that point also passionately occupied with philosophy. He and Hegel lived only a short distance from each other, and they apparently engaged in a constant, intense discussion of politics, poetry, and philosophy, and camaraderie.? The first volume of Holderlin’s poetic “novel,” Hyperion, was published shortly after Hegel’s arrival in Frankfurt, and he was at work on his poem Empedocles during Hegel’s stay there. (That the two discussed this work, and that the two friends influenced each other’s ideas during this period, is abundantly clear.)“

? ? 對于黑格爾來說最重要的是揍愁，他跟友人荷爾德林的重新相聚呐萨。早在圖賓根神學院時，荷爾德林就已成為黑格爾最親密的朋友莽囤，兩人覺得自離開圖賓根以來的幾年中彼此情誼顯然依舊谬擦。在這個階段，荷爾德林聽了費希特在耶拿的講課朽缎，滿腦子都是后康德哲學思想惨远。雖然荷爾德林輝煌的詩人生涯只是曇花一現(xiàn)（他可能在19世紀初患了永久性精神分裂癥）谜悟，但是他在當時同樣也充滿著哲學激情。他與黑格爾彼此住得很近北秽，他們很明顯忙于不斷在政治學葡幸、詩歌、哲學和同志情誼方面進行熱烈的探討贺氓。荷爾德林詩體“小說”第一卷《許佩里翁》在黑格爾抵達法蘭克福后不久出版蔚叨，他在黑格爾逗留法蘭克福期間正從事《恩培多克勒斯》這首詩的創(chuàng)作。（兩人探討過這篇作品辙培，兩位朋友在這個階段影響彼此的思想蔑水，這一點是極其清楚的。）

While he was at Berne, Hegel had even written a long, Holderlin-like poem to his friend entitled “Eleusis,” a reference to the Eleusinian mysteries of ancient Greece. The poem is basically a long, Rousseauinspired tribute to their friendship and common ideals, among them the shared Spinozism of their youth. Indeed, it is a rather strikingly “early Romantic” piece by someone who was later to become one of Romanticism’s strongest critics. Along with some of his other writings during this period, “Eleusis” suggests that under Holderlin’s influence Hegel had half-heartedly tried to become a Romantic of sorts, both before and during the first part of his move to Frankfurt. However, it was an attempt that was bound to fall short. Hegel’s personality and interests were simply at odds with Romanticism, just as they were at odds with his theoretically Rousseauian attitude toward nature, and as his stay at Frankfurt lengthened, he shed his little bits and pieces of Romanticism as quickly as he had acquired them. By the time he moved from Frankfurt to Jena, he had permanently abandoned whatever remained of his brief self-conscious dalliance with that kind of Romanticism.

? ? 當在伯爾尼的時候扬蕊，黑格爾甚至還為朋友寫了一首類似荷爾德林詩體的題為《埃琉西斯》長詩搀别，這首長詩中涉及古希臘埃琉西斯的秘密儀式。該詩基本上是對他和荷爾德林長期的友情和受到盧梭思想啟迪形成的共同理想的禮贊尾抑，這些理想中同時含有他們兩年輕時共同具有的斯賓諾莎主義领曼。更確切地說，它是某人的帶有相當強烈的“早期的浪漫主義”詩作蛮穿、這里的某人后來可能成為浪漫主義最猛烈的批評者之一庶骄。連同這個階段他其他的一些著作，《埃琉西斯》使人想到在荷爾德林影響下黑格爾已經(jīng)無心努力去做浪漫主義中的一員践磅，在此之前和在他移居法蘭克福初期都是如此单刁。然而，正是這樣的一種嘗試必然是毫無結(jié)果的府适。黑格爾的性格和興趣完全是與浪漫主義相抵觸的羔飞，就像它們完全是與他理論上盧梭主義式地對待自然的態(tài)度相抵觸的一樣，隨著他在法蘭克福逗留時間越來越長檐春，他迅速地拋棄了他心目中零零星星的浪漫主義逻淌，就像他迅速地獲取它們一樣。截至他從法蘭克福移居耶拿時疟暖，他永遠地拋棄了任何種類仍然使他草率地不自然的浪漫主義嬉戲卡儒。

Holderlin himself had begun his career after the Seminary in the same way that Hegel had. He too had become a Hofmeister, and the experience had, like Hegel’s, been none too pleasant. The poet Schiller had convinced Charlotte von Kalb that Holderlin would be ideal for what she was seeking in a Hofmeister, and at first everything seemed to be going well. But Holderlin soon began to feel that he was simply being used by the family (something that obviously came with the position but which offended his sense of himself), and he had an affair with a divorced governess in the house, who became pregnant by him.? (The child died at eighteen months of age.) Moreover, Holderlin’s relation to his young pupil deteriorated from an initially affectionate affair into one characterized by, to put it euphemistically, the infliction of discipline. In a lapse of judgment, Charlotte von Kalb had sent Holderlin to Jena with her ten-year-old son, and the results were disastrous: Holderlin, naturally enough, wanted to be around Schiller, Goethe, and Fichte; he resented having to attend to the boy; and he ended up by inflicting beatings on the boy. (Holderlin became obsessed with the boy’s masturbating and wished to “cure” him of the desire.)^’ Luckily for Holderlin, Charlotte von Kalb dismissed him without cen- sure, even giving him three months’ salary so that he could set himself up in Jena.

? ? 荷爾德林本人在離開圖賓根神學院后以與黑格爾采取的相同方式開始了他的職業(yè)生涯。他同樣也成了一名家庭教師俐巴，這個經(jīng)歷骨望、像黑格爾的經(jīng)歷一樣，絲毫不能令他感到愉快欣舵。詩人席勒早已使夏洛特·馮·卡爾布確信擎鸠，荷爾德林應(yīng)該是她所要尋找的理想的家庭教師，起初一切看來好像都非常順利缘圈×庸猓可是荷爾德林不久開始感覺到他簡直就是在被卡爾布家使用（被使用明顯是這個職位性質(zhì)決定的而從他自己觀點看這樣被使用冒犯了他）袜蚕，其時他跟一位離異的女房東有過一段風流韻事，她懷上了他的孩子绢涡。（孩子18個月大時夭折廷没。尚不止于此，荷爾德林與他的少東家關(guān)系逐漸惡化垂寥，說得委婉點，從最初盛情誠摯的師生關(guān)系變成了某種被描述為紀律上的懲罰另锋。為懲罰失誤换况，夏洛特·馮·卡爾布把荷爾德林連同她的10歲兒子送到耶拿伤哺，結(jié)果糟糕透頂?shù)氖牵汉蔂柕铝郑肿匀坏兀雵@席勒习劫、歌德和費希特身邊；他憎恨不得不去照顧少東家较坛；他最終以懲罰的名義對少東家拳腳相加菱肖。（荷爾德林為少東家的手淫所困擾、并希望“消除”他手淫的欲望亡鼠。）“對于荷爾德林來說幸運的是赏殃，夏洛特·馮·卡爾布解雇了他而沒有指責他，甚至還發(fā)給他三個月薪水间涵，這樣他就可以在耶拿安頓下來仁热。

Hdlderlin took the offer and moved to Jena, where he made the acquaintance of the leading literary lights there and renewed his friendship with Isaak von Sinclair, a friend who had been at Tubingen with Hegel and himself (Von Sinclair had studied law.) For reasons that remain obscure (but probably having to do with his running out of money), he rather abruptly left Jena in 1795 to return home. At the same time, his friend, von Sinclair, was in effect dismissed from the university for some unspecified political disturbance. (Von Sinclair, being noble, was not actually dismissed, since nobles could not be dismissed; he was instead “advised to leave.”) In January of 1796, however, Hdlderlin managed to land a position with the household of Jakob Friedrich Gontard and his wife Susette as Hofmeister for their children. Jakob Gontard, only six years older than Hdlderlin, was the heir of a banking family in Frankfurt and had become a very successful banker and textile producer himself His wife, Susette, a beautiful and cultured woman, was only one year older than Hdlderlin. Jakob Gontard was a bit of a philistine, who neglected his poetry-loving wife, and the result was predictable. By July of 1796, Hdlderlin was writing his friend C. L. Neuffer of his love for Susette, and it is clear that the feelings were requited on her part. Hdlderlin quickly idealized Susette Gontard as a new embodiment of the Greek ideal to which he, Hegel, and Schelling had earlier dedicated themselves. (He was not alone in this; the sculptor, Landolin Ohmacht, did a bust of Susette Gontard in the classical style.) Susette became “Diotima” in his poems, the character from Plato’s Symposium who speaks so eloquently of love as the ascent from the beautiful body to the form of beauty itself In September of 1798, Hdlderlin left the Gontards’ employ; his sudden departure almost certainly had something to do with the ongoing affair with Susette Gontard, although the exact nature of what occasioned his leaving remains a bit murky. But it is quite clear that it upset both himself and Susette Gontard quite a bit, and they continued to see each covertly for a good while thereafter - indeed, until Hdlderlin finally left the Frankfurt area altogether. Hegel was often used as an intermediary to deliver messages between the two lovers and to arrange rendezvous between them.

? ? 荷爾德林帶著薪金移居耶拿，在那里他結(jié)識了一流文學人物勾哩，重續(xù)與伊薩克·馮·辛克荷的友誼抗蠢，辛克萊是黑格爾和荷爾德林本人早在圖賓根時就已結(jié)交的朋友。（馮·辛克萊是學法律的思劳。）出于某些至今仍然令人費解的原因（而很可能與他花光了錢有關(guān)）迅矛，他1795年相當突然地離開耶拿返回家中。與此同時潜叛，他的朋友馮·辛克萊實質(zhì)上因一些未得到具體說明的政治騷亂而被所在大學解雇秽褒。（馮·辛克萊，作為貴族威兜，實際上沒有被解雇震嫉，因為貴族不可能被解雇；他倒是被校方“建議自動離職”牡属。）不過票堵，1796年1月，荷爾德林想方設(shè)法在雅各布·弗里德里洗ぃ·貢塔德及其妻子蘇塞特這戶人家謀得了個做他們子女家庭教師的職位悴势。雅各布·貢塔德窗宇，只比荷爾德林大6歲，是法蘭克福某個銀行家族的繼承人特纤，早已成為一位非常成功的銀行家和紡織廠老板军俊。他的妻子蘇塞特這位美麗而有教養(yǎng)的女性只比荷爾德林大1歲。雅各布·貢塔德捧存，這位極為平庸之輩粪躬，冷落熱愛詩歌的妻子，結(jié)果是可以預(yù)料的昔穴。到1796年7月镰官，荷爾德林在致友人C·L·諾伊弗信中提到他對蘇塞特的愛，十分清楚的是她需要感情吗货。荷爾德林迅速把蘇塞特視作希臘人理想的新化身泳唠，希臘人理想是他、黑格爾和謝林早年獻身于的東西宙搬。（他在這里不覺得孤單笨腥。雕刻家蘭多林·奧馬赫特以古典風格雕了一尊蘇塞特半身像。蘇塞特成了他詩中的“狄奧提瑪”勇垛，狄奧提瑪是柏拉圖《飲宴篇》中的人物脖母，她極其雄辯地把愛說成是從身體美到美本身的形式的提升。1798年9月闲孤，荷爾德林辭掉了貢塔德的雇傭镶奉；他的突然離開幾乎必定與蘇塞特·貢塔德的持續(xù)發(fā)酵的風流韻事有關(guān)，盡管和他離開這件事相聯(lián)系的確切性質(zhì)至今仍然有點令人難以理解崭放∩诳粒可是很清楚他辭職這件事弄得他自己和蘇塞特·貢塔德極其心煩意亂，他們兩在很長一段時間后繼續(xù)偷偷地看望對方——實際上币砂，這種情況一直持續(xù)到荷爾德林最終完全離開法蘭克福建峭。黑格爾常常被當作中介人使用，為這對戀人傳遞信息决摧、安排他們倆約會地點亿蒸。

After leaving the Gontard family, Hdlderlin moved over to the little Landgravate of Homburg vor der Hohe, a postage stamp principality situated next to Frankfurt, where Isaak von Sinclair had become the minister to the prince of Hessen-Homburg. Homburg vor der Hohe had been carved out of a larger family domain as a particular principality in 1622, and there had been disputes ever since about to whom it really belonged, where its revenues were to come from, and so on. Because of this, the family of Hessen-Darmstadt was forever claiming rights against Hessen-Homburg. (Curiously enough, for a brief period in the late 1740S, J. J. Moser, the hero of Hegel’s parents’ generation and architect of the “constitutional compromise’’ in Wiirttemberg, had been the privy councilor and chief of chancellery there, but had been dismissed on account of his too-vigorous attempts to rein in the Landgrave's spending.)^'

? ? 在離開了貢塔德家后，荷爾德林搬到了霍姆堡的Landgrauate這個毗鄰法蘭克福的小公國掌桩，在那里伊莎克·馮·辛克萊做了黑森一洪堡親王手下大臣边锁。前赫厄洪堡早在1622年就被從一個大家族領(lǐng)地劃出作為一個特殊的公國，自那時以來關(guān)于它真正歸屬于誰波岛、它的賦稅應(yīng)該來自何處等等問題有過多次爭論茅坛。由于這樣，黑森一達姆施塔特家族長期以來一直聲稱對這個小公國擁有權(quán)利而反對黑森一洪堡親王對這個小公國擁有權(quán)利则拷。（十分令人奇怪地贡蓖，在18世紀40年代后期一個較短階段中曹鸠，J·J·莫澤，這位黑格爾父輩那代的英雄和符騰堡“完法妥協(xié)方案”制定者斥铺，就已經(jīng)在這個特殊的公國擔任私人顧問兼首席大臣彻桃，但是因他過于熱衷于企圖控制Landgrave的開支而遭到解職。）

Holderlin’s passionate belief in the emancipatory potential of the French Revolution, a belief he shared with Hegel and Sinclair, had not been diminished either by the turn of events in France or by the growing French incursions into German territory. Hblderlin got a chance to see the war close up when, on Jacob Gontard’s orders, he took Susette Gontard and the children away from Frankfurt when the French were shelling the city - a command from Jacob Gontard that, given his wife’s and Holderlin’s feelings for each other, amounted to sending the rabbits off to guard the lettuce. Nonetheless, despite the suffering Holderlin witnessed, he did not budge from his rather idealized belief that the French were the new bearers of the promise of the renewal of Athenian freedom and beauty. He compared the French foes of the Revolution - there was, after all, an immense emigre community of French nobility living in Germany - with the despotic Persians against whom the Athenians defended their freedom.’^ His idealization of the Revolution and its promise began to be reflected in the poems of that period, which more and more reverted to images of an upheaval {gdhren) that would restore humanity to its original free and lovely state.

? ? 荷爾德林對法國大革命解放潛力的狂熱的信念晾蜘，一種他跟黑格爾和辛克萊所共同具有的信念邻眷，既沒有因法國事件出現(xiàn)轉(zhuǎn)機而消失也沒有因法國人對德國領(lǐng)土的不斷入侵而消失。荷爾德林獲得了一次目睹戰(zhàn)爭接近尾聲的機會剔交，其時遵照雅各布·貢塔德吩咐肆饶，他把蘇塞特·貢塔德及其子女帶離法蘭克福，時值法軍在炮擊法蘭克福城——這條由雅各布·貢塔德下達的命令省容，考慮到他妻子和荷爾德林彼此感情，無異于派克子去保護生菜葉燎字。不過腥椒，盡管荷爾德林親眼目睹這些令他痛苦不堪，他仍然沒有放棄他那相當理想化的信念候衍，他相信法國人是承載使雅典自由與美重生的新承載者笼蛛。他把法國大革命的敵人——畢站存在著一個由居住在德國的法國貴族組成的龐大流亡者社區(qū)——與那些反對雅典人保衛(wèi)他們自由的暴虐的波斯人相比◎嚷梗“他對法國大革命及其承諾的理想化逐漸反映在這個階段詩歌中滨砍，此時他的詩歌越來越回到對一種將會使人類復(fù)歸原初自由和愛的國度劇變的生動描繪。

Holderlin had obviously looked forward eagerly to Hegel’s arrival.? Holderlin even remarked to his friend Neuffer that his old friend was a more “calm, matter-of-fact” type of person and therefore someone around whom he could “orient” himselfHe told Hegel in a letter that Hegel had always been “his mentor,” and pointed out to Hegel that he could be “of use” to him, since “the infernal spirits that I took with me from Franconia and the ethereal spirits with metaphysical wings that have accompanied me since Jena have abandoned me since I have been in Frankfurt.It is also likely that Holderlin’s feelings about his relations with Hegel put a lot of stress on the friendship, especially given the situation in which Holderlin had landed himself with Susette Gontard and the way in which Hegel sometimes had to serve as a liaison between them.

? ? 荷爾德林明顯熱切地盼望著黑格爾的到達妖异。荷爾德林甚至還對友人諾伊弗說道惋戏，他的老友是那種較為“心靜如水腳踏實地”類型的人，因此他是個可以“坐懷不亂”的人他膳。他在一封致黑格爾信中談到黑格爾向來是“他的顧問”响逢，并向黑格爾挑明黑格爾可能對他來說是“有用的”，因為“那被我從弗蘭科尼亞帶來的地獄中幽靈和那長著形而上學翅膀的自耶拿以來始終伴隨著我的虛無縹緲的幽靈從我到了法蘭克福以后已經(jīng)拋棄了我棕孙√蛲ぃ”同樣很可能，荷爾德林覺得他與黑格爾的關(guān)系給他們之間的友情帶來很多壓力蟀俊，特別是考慮到荷爾德林早已與蘇塞特·貢塔德的風流韻事和黑格爾有時得借以充當蘇塞特與荷爾德林之間聯(lián)絡(luò)人的方式钦铺。

Nonetheless, the years at Homburg vor der Hohe were a period of deeply passionate conversations among Hegel, Holderlin, Issak von Sinclair, and another friend, Jakob Zwilling, about Fichte, art and poetry, idealist philosophy in general, and radical politics.^? Holderlin’s halfbrother even remembered, years later, how during a visit to Frankfurt, Holderlin immediately took him to meet Hegel, and how, after Hegel warmly greeted Hblderlin’s half-brother, both Hegel and Holderlin promptly forgot he was even present as they launched into a vigorous philosophical debate.Hegel obviously felt that he had much to learn from his two old friends, Holderlin and von Sinclair, and from Zwilling.? He, after all, had been marking time in Berne in the company of such intellectual luminaries as the von Steiger family, while they had been at Jena hearing Fichte’s lectures on the completion of the Kantian project and talking to the leading literary figures of the day, such as Schiller and Goethe. Never again in his life was he to be so caught up in the kind of intense intellectual friendship that he sustained during this period in Frankfurt.

? ? 然而，霍姆堡歲月是這樣一個階段肢预，在黑格爾矛洞、荷爾德林、伊薩克·馮·辛克萊和另一位朋友雅各布·茨維林之間烫映，就費希特缚甩、藝術(shù)與詩歌谱净、通常的唯心主義哲學和激進政治學展開了深度熱情的交談∩猛“荷爾德林同父異母兄弟甚至多年后還記得壕探，在法蘭克福參觀期間，荷爾德林怎樣迅速帶他去見黑格爾郊丛，在黑格爾熱情地和荷爾德林同父異母兄弟打招呼后李请，黑格爾和荷爾德林兩人怎樣在進行一場強有力的哲學爭論時立刻忘記了他恰恰在場±魇欤”黑格爾明顯覺得他必須向他兩位老友荷爾德林和辛克荷學習很多東西导盅，必須向荷爾德林學習很多東西。他畢竟早已表明在伯爾尼時期就與諸如馮·施泰格爾家人這樣的知識界杰出人物成為朋友揍瑟，同時他們早在耶拿時就已聆聽費希特關(guān)于使康德哲學計劃臻于完美的講課和跟當時一流文學人物交談白翻，例如席勒和歌德。在他一生中他肯定再也沒有被深深卷入這種被他在法蘭克福階段所維系的熱烈的知識友誼中绢片。

Holderlin’s influence on Hegel’s thought during this period was immense; indeed, he completely re-oriented Hegel’s intellectual direction.? While at Jena, Holderlin had given much thought to what he thought was wrong in Fichte’s system, and his reflections on Fichte (and postKantian idealism in general) came as a complete revelation to Hegel.? They served to make it clear to Hegel that his own efforts at “realizing” the Kantian philosophy by “applying” it had severely underestimated the extent of the problems that still remained Kant’s and Fichte’s own attempts at rendering it into a final form. Hegel thus became convinced that what he had only a few years before dismissed as merely “esoteric” matters were in fact the heart of the matter, and that for him to do what he had set out to do - to construct a line of thought that would guide modern life to its realization - he had to alter completely his plans for his future.

? ? 荷爾德林在這個階段對黑格爾思想產(chǎn)生很大的影響滤馍；更確切地說，他對黑格爾思想發(fā)展的方向做出了全新的定位底循。當早在耶拿的時候巢株，荷爾德林就已對在他看來費希特哲學體系中錯誤東西做出了很多思考，他對費希特（和通常的后康德唯心主義）的反思給黑格爾帶來了全新的啟示熙涤。荷爾德林的思考和反思可用來向黑格爾表明阁苞，他自己努力憑借“應(yīng)用”康德哲學來“實現(xiàn)”康德哲學，這樣的努力早已嚴重地低估了某些問題的程度祠挫，它們依舊是康德自己和費希特自己嘗試使康德哲學成為最終形式的問題那槽。黑格爾因此變得確信他僅僅在幾年前就已不復(fù)考慮的作為純粹“深奧”的問題實際上是核心問題，并因此變得確信就他將做他早已打算去做的事情（建構(gòu)一條將會把現(xiàn)代生活引向它現(xiàn)實化的思路）而言等舔，他不得不徹底改變他未來的計劃倦炒。

The philosophical discussions were given added urgency by the increasing tempo of events in France. Neither Hegel nor Holderlin had ever given up on the French Revolution - both of them seeing it as an emancipatory movement and both of them hoping that something like it, without its accompanying violence, would also come to pass in Germany. During Hegel’s stay in Frankfurt, this looked as if it might come even sooner than either had anticipated. After the Austrians had signed a treaty with the French at Campo Formio in 1797 to end hostilities, direct negotiations between representatives of the Holy Roman Empire and the French commenced at the town of Rastatt in November 1797 and continued until April 1799. The German city of Mainz, which had been continually occupied since 1797 by the French, was during this period taken over by a set of “German Jacobins” led by Georg Forster, which in turn made the threat of the Revolution coming to Germany ever more palpable. After 1798, in fact, Mainz came to belong entirely to France and remained a French possession for a number of years. As the ranking minister of Homburg vor der Hohe, Isaak von Sinclair attended the congress at Rastatt as the prince’s representative and brought Holderlin along with him to the meetings. (Also attending the conference at various times were Napoleon, Goethe, and Metternich.) Even if Hegel and Holderlin had run out of topics in philosophy and literature (which they had not), Rastatt alone would have been enough to occupy their discussions.

? ? 哲學探討被法國日趨發(fā)展的緊急事件所代替。黑格爾和荷爾德林兩人都從未對法國大革命感到失望——他們兩人都把法國大革命當作一場解放運動看待软瞎，他們兩人都希望出現(xiàn)像法國大革命一樣的東西逢唤，但不希望與法國大革命相伴而生的暴力，他們兩人的看法和愿望同樣也應(yīng)該在德國得到實現(xiàn)涤浇。在黑格爾在法蘭克福暫住期間鳖藕，看似德國發(fā)生革命可能來得比他們兩人中任何一個人預(yù)期的都要快。在奧地利人1797年于坎波福米奧與法國人簽訂結(jié)束敵對狀態(tài)的條約后只锭，神圣羅馬帝國代表與法國人代表之間的直接談判1797年12月在拉施塔特鎮(zhèn)舉行并且一直持續(xù)到1799年4月談判才結(jié)束著恩。德國美因茨城，自1797年以來就已三番五次被法國人占領(lǐng)的德國美因茨城，在這個階段被格夷爾格·福斯特領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的一幫“德國雅各賓俱樂部成員”接管喉誊，這反過來又使席卷德國的法國大革命的威望變得更加明顯邀摆。實際上，從1798年以后伍茄，美因茨終于完全屬于法國并一直被法國人擁有多年栋盹。作為霍姆堡的首席部長伊薩克·馮·辛克萊以親王代表身份出席拉施塔特會議并偕同荷爾德林參加這次會議。（在不同時間先后參加這次會議的還有拿破侖敷矫、歌德和梅特涅例获。）縱使黑格爾和荷爾德林偏離了哲學和文學主題（他們其實沒有偏離哲學和文學主題），單在拉施塔特也許足以占滿了他們探討的時間曹仗。

In Prussia, Friedrich Wilhelm II died in November 16, 1797, leaving Prussia, one of the members of the coalition to defeat the Revolution, disordered, in debt, and tottering on the edge of vanishing as a power altogether. Napoleon had with the Abbe Sieyes staged a coup d’etat and on November 9-10, 1799 (18-19 Brumaire on the revolutionary French calendar), had made himself first consul of France; shortly thereafter the Directory, which had been the ruling body of France for most of the Revolution, was abolished. Modern life’s tempo was suddenly picking up.

? ? 在普魯士榨汤，弗里德里希·威廉二世駕崩于1797年12月怎茫，留下了普魯士收壕，反對法國大革命聯(lián)盟成員之一，混亂不堪轨蛤，債臺高筑蜜宪，作為大國搖搖欲墜完全瀕臨滅亡。拿破侖伙同阿貝·西哀士發(fā)動政變并在1799年11月9至10日（法國人革命日歷上的霧月18日至19日）俱萍，使他自己搖身變成法國首任執(zhí)政官端壳；此后不久督政府告丢，作為法國大革命絕大部分時間里法國統(tǒng)治機構(gòu)的督政府枪蘑，遭到廢棄。所有這些突然加快了現(xiàn)代生活的節(jié)奏岖免。

Hegel’s Choice: Renewed Contact with Schelling

黑格爾的選擇：重新和謝林取得聯(lián)系

Although Hegel and Holderlin shared a lot in those days, there were nonetheless always fundamental differences between the two in personality and general outlook. Holderlin was correct to see Hegel as a more “matter-of-fact” person than he was. While clearly quite philosophically gifted, Holderlin nonetheless remained first and foremost a poet, capable of producing unmatched lines of haunting beauty and perfect, complex meter. He had been influenced in Jena by the early Romantic talk of the unity of philosophy and poetry, and he wanted, at least at this stage of his life, to do both philosophy and poetry. He was, though, a sensitive personality, not the more prosaic, “matter-of-fact” fellow that Hegel was. He also came to depend on Hegel more than Hegel depended on him, and that put additional, even perhaps eventually unbearable, strains on their relationship. Nonetheless, in the intensity of their conversations on common interests, Holderlin and Hegel managed to stake out a common position, with most of the influence at this time coming from Holderlin. They did this despite the fact that Holderlin was moving into his mature poetic period while Hegel was intensely studying Kant’s Metaphysics of Ethics and the Scottish economists. (Hegel even wrote a commentary during this period on Kant’s book, although that manuscript has since been lost).^?

? ? 雖然黑格爾和荷爾德林那些日子里在很多問題上志同道合岳颇，但是在性格和總體觀點方面兩人間始終存在著根本性的差異。荷爾德林正確地把黑格爾當作一個比他更加“務(wù)實”的人看待颅湘。盡管顯然很有哲學上的天賦话侧，荷爾德林仍然首先是一名詩人，一名能夠創(chuàng)造出一系列無與倫比的闯参、在心頭縈繞的美和完美復(fù)雜韻律的詩人瞻鹏。他早在耶拿時期就已經(jīng)深受早期浪漫派關(guān)于使哲學與詩歌統(tǒng)一的談?wù)摰挠绊懀鸫a在人生這個階段既想去研究哲學又想去創(chuàng)作詩歌鹿寨。盡管這樣新博，他卻仍然是一個性情中人，而不是像黑格爾那樣較無詩意的“務(wù)實”的人脚草。他同樣也變得逐漸依賴黑格爾赫悄、這種依賴程度勝過黑格爾對他的依賴程度，這就導(dǎo)致他們的友誼出現(xiàn)了裂痕，甚至也許最終難以忍受的裂痕埂淮。不過姑隅，由于在共同感興趣話題上的交談產(chǎn)生強烈的共鳴，荷爾德林和黑格爾想方設(shè)法形成一種共同的立場倔撞，黑格爾在這個時期主要受到荷爾德林的影響讲仰。他們兩在這個時期彼此相互影響，盡管事實上荷爾德林在轉(zhuǎn)入他成熟的詩歌時期误窖，其時黑格爾在極力研究康德《道德形而上學原理》和蘇格蘭經(jīng)濟學家叮盘。（黑格爾甚至在這個階段還對康德的書作出評注，盡管這部手稿自那時起就已失落霹俺。）

The interests binding the two young men, though, were deep. Holderlin has been called, rightfully, the first great “modern” European poet, and Hegel’s strong interest in modern life were echoed by his friend’s interest in creating a “new sensibility” that would help to usher in the modern age. Holderlin’s conviction that it was the poet’s responsibility to fashion a new language appropriate to the new age - and to create a responsibility on the part of his readers to participate in fashioning this “new sensibility” - had a profound effect on Hegel; it was to lead him to make a decisive shift near the end of his stay in Frankfurt to abandon in his philosophical writings the more easygoing prose style of his earlier years and to adopt instead his own analogue of Holderlin’s notion of demanding that his readers actively participate in fashioning this new way of assuming responsibilities to the world and to each other. It was certainly Holderlin’s most ambiguous legacy to his old friend that he convinced him to cast his philosophy in a form that demanded of his readers that they take him on his terms. The sudden and profound shift in the style of writing and the growth of a recognizable “Hegelian” style of prose around the end of his Frankfurt stay and during his sojourn in Jena were indications of the depth of influence that Holderlin exercised on him — an influence that extended up until Hegel’s death.’?

? ? 然而柔吼，興趣還是把這兩個年輕人緊密地聯(lián)系在一起。荷爾德林現(xiàn)在被人正確地稱作第一個“現(xiàn)代”歐洲大詩人丙唧，黑格爾對現(xiàn)代生活的濃厚興趣同樣也得到了他朋友對創(chuàng)造一種勢必有助于在現(xiàn)時代起到引領(lǐng)作用的“新鑒賞力”興趣的印證愈魏。荷爾德林確信詩人的責任就是使一種新的適合新時代的語言得到流行——就是使讀者感到有責任去參與使“新鑒賞力”得到流行——這樣的確信對黑格爾產(chǎn)生了深刻的影響；這必將致使他臨近離開法蘭克福時作出一個決定性的轉(zhuǎn)變想际，這就是他摒棄了他哲學作品中早年較為拖沓松散的散文體風格培漏，而采用他自己的類似荷爾德林的敘述風格，這樣的風格要求讀者積極參與使這種對世界對彼此承擔責任的新方式得以流行胡本。荷爾德林使他確信以一種他的讀者所要求的牌柄、他們按照他的術(shù)語對他作出理解的形式來打造他的哲學，這當然就是荷爾德林留給他老友的最為含糊不清的遺產(chǎn)侧甫。大約在他即將離開法蘭克福之前和他旅居耶拿期間珊佣，這種寫作風格上的突然而深度的轉(zhuǎn)變和一種可以意識到的“黑格爾哲學”散文風格的逐漸生成，表明荷爾德林在他身上產(chǎn)生的深刻影響——一種一直持續(xù)到黑格爾去世的影響披粟。

The results of Hegel’s own philosophical labors during this period were, however, to his mind disappointing, and although he certainly intended those pieces for publication, they did not appear until long after his death. Hegel’s impasse in the development of his thought during his Frankfurt period was, however, soon to receive a jolt from outside. On January 15, 1799, his sister Christiane wrote to Hegel to inform him that that their father had suddenly died. In March, Hegel set off for Stuttgart, where he stayed for three weeks to help straighten out his family’s affairs and work out the inheritance. He and his brother took roughly equal shares (Hegel received 3,154 florins [i.e.. Guilders], 24 Creuzers, and 4 Pfennigs; his brother received 3,354 Guilders, 24 Creuzers, and 4 Pfennigs), and they gave Christiane a bit more since she had not had the opportunity for any higher education (4,000 Guilders, 24 Creuzers, and 4 Pfennigs).?? After having settled the terms of the inheritance, Hegel returned to Frankfurt, probably entertaining seriously the idea that he would bring his activities as a Hofneister to a close and try once again to stake out a career as a writer. He worked on his manuscript “The Spirit of Christianity and Its Fate” along with several other texts on the same themes; and he did intensive studies of Kant and of Scottish theories of the economy, trying to bring all of his ideas about the emerging modern capitalist economy together with his ideas about the reforming powers of a true religion. It was also becoming quite clear to him that he was going to have to pursue a more rigorously philosophical course than he had previously thought, and, although he had some very general ideas about the direction in which he was moving thanks to his conversations with Holderlin, it was still not clear to him what precise form his thought should take.

? ? 不過黑格爾自已在這個階段哲學勞作的結(jié)果如他所想是非常令人失望的咒锻；雖然他無疑有意把這些作品拿去發(fā)表，但是它們直到他去世后很長時間才見諸于世守屉。不過黑格爾在法蘭克福這個階段思想發(fā)展中的僵局不久必將被從外地傳來的一個噩耗弄得雪上加霜惑艇。1799年1月15日，妹妹克里斯蒂亞娜致信黑格爾告知父親已然長逝拇泛。3月滨巴，黑格爾啟程赴斯圖加特奔喪，在那里他逗留了三個星期以幫助料理喪事和解決遺產(chǎn)分割問題俺叭。他和弟弟各自大體上拿到相等份額（黑格爾得到3154弗羅林[即盾]）恭取，24克羅伊策和4芬尼；弟弟得到了3354盾绪颖，24克羅伊策和4芬尼）秽荤，他們給克里斯蒂亞娜的相對多一點甜奄，因為她早已失去了接受任何高等教育的機會（4000盾，24克羅伊策和4芬尼）窃款。在分割完遺產(chǎn)份額后课兄，黑格爾回到法蘭克福，很可能認真地考慮過他將不再從事家庭教師工作晨继，并再度試圖從事作家工作烟阐。他撰寫《基督教精神及其命運》這部手稿連同若干其他相同題目的文本；他集中研究了康德哲學和蘇格蘭經(jīng)濟理論紊扬，嘗試使他關(guān)于新興現(xiàn)代資本主義經(jīng)濟的全部想法與他關(guān)于真宗教改革動力的想法融為一體蜒茄。同樣在他看來也變得非常清晰的是，他打算必須去追尋一種嚴格的哲學道路而非他早先思考過的哲學道路餐屎，雖然他具有某些非程锤穑籠統(tǒng)的關(guān)于他因跟荷爾德林交談而向著前進的方向的想法，但是在他看來仍然不清楚他的哲學思想應(yīng)該采用何種確切的形式腹缩。

By 1800, yet another factor had entered the scene in Frankfurt. The stress had become too great for Holderlin and Susette Gontard; they loved each other but had become worn down by the impossibility of their respective situations. On May 8, 1800, Holderlin and Susette Gontard had their last meeting, and Holderlin returned home to Niirtingen after the death of his brother-in-law. While in Niirtingen, he wrote one of his most beautiful pieces, “Der Abschied” (“The Farewell”), in which he spoke to Susette (as Diotima) about the contradictions in the practical world that had driven them apart and how one day he hoped they would encounter each other again after their original desires had faded away, at which time they could calmly walk in the garden taking in their lovely memories (making it nonetheless clear in the poem how their desire for each other could never really cease).

? ? 到1800年屿聋，仍然有另一個因素登上了法蘭克福舞臺。壓力變得太大以致荷爾德林和蘇塞特·貢塔德無法承受藏鹊；他們彼此相愛但因他們各自處境而使他們倆不可能結(jié)為夫妻润讥。在1800年5月8日，荷爾德林與蘇塞特·貢塔德見了最后一面盘寡，荷爾德林在同父異母哥哥死后回到尼爾廷根家中楚殿。當在尼爾廷根的時候，他寫下了一生中最美的詩章之一《Der Abschied》（《離別》）竿痰，詩中他對（作為狄奧提瑪?shù)模┨K塞特說道脆粥，現(xiàn)實世界中的矛盾促使他們分離，他多么希望有一天他們將在他們最初的欲望消失后彼此再度相遇菇曲，他多么希望在那時他們可以帶著他們可愛的記憶平靜地行走在花園里（然而詩中表明他們彼此的欲望是怎么絕不可能真正地停息）冠绢。