第9章 海德堡時(shí)期：成為焦點(diǎn)人物(2)

For Hegel and most of his generation, Jena’s dedication to Wissenschaft, to the construction of rigorous theory, to a more dynamic model of learning and thinking, and to a different, nondisciplinarian relation between professor and student was clearly the preferable model of university life. The older universities had only trained and drilled peo? ple into a certain type of orthodoxy by virtue of a certain type of rote learning, and consequently, the civil servants they produced had learned things almost solely by the book and without imagination; in turn, those graduates of the older university had become the model officials of the German Enlightenment’s version of the “machine state” (against which the author of the “The Oldest System Program of German Idealism” had inveighed). However, after the crushing and humbling defeat of the Prussian “machine state” by Napoleon at Jena in 1806, that ideal of learning and of the university itself had fallen from favor. Faced with the daunting task of coming to terms with the post-Napoleonic restruc? turing, the various reorganized governments of Germany began looking for some new way to train their civil servants so that they did not find themselves out of step with the times once again. The new, Jenainspired university seemed therefore to be the kind of thing that could supply the new kind of educated civil servant for which they were looking.

? ? 對(duì)于黑格爾和他那代人中的絕大多數(shù)人來(lái)說(shuō)，耶拿大學(xué)致力于科學(xué)轨奄，致力于嚴(yán)格理論的建構(gòu)屎即，致力于一種更有活力的學(xué)習(xí)和思考模式惜傲，致力于教授與學(xué)生之間的與眾不同的非懲戒性的關(guān)系补鼻，所有這些顯然都是更可取的大學(xué)生活模式滥比。舊式大學(xué)只是借特定類(lèi)型的死記硬背的學(xué)習(xí)把人培養(yǎng)成特定類(lèi)型的具有正統(tǒng)觀念的人溪北，從而那些由舊式大學(xué)培養(yǎng)出的國(guó)家公務(wù)員幾乎只是通過(guò)書(shū)本學(xué)到知識(shí)而根本不具備想象力蜘拉；依次地，這些舊式大學(xué)畢業(yè)生成了德意志啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)視為的“機(jī)器國(guó)家”的模范官員（這樣的官員遭到《德國(guó)唯心主義最早體系綱領(lǐng)》作者的痛斥）如输。不過(guò)鼓黔，在1806年普魯士“機(jī)器國(guó)家”被當(dāng)時(shí)在耶拿的拿破侖決定性地和令人蒙羞地?fù)魸⒑螅瑢W(xué)習(xí)的理想和大學(xué)自身的理想不再受到人們的青睞不见。面對(duì)如何完成后拿破侖一世時(shí)期艱巨的重建任務(wù)澳化，德國(guó)各個(gè)經(jīng)過(guò)重組的政府著手尋求一些新的方式培養(yǎng)國(guó)家公務(wù)員，所以它們沒(méi)有發(fā)覺(jué)它們自己再一次被時(shí)代步伐甩在后面稳吮。這種新型的受耶拿大學(xué)啟發(fā)的大學(xué)因此看來(lái)好像應(yīng)該成為那種被它們?cè)趯ふ业哪軌蛱峁┬滦蛧?guó)家公務(wù)員的大學(xué)缎谷。

Consequently, the number of students attending universities in? creased rapidly (nearly doubling between 1800 and 1835), and in places like Heidelberg, grew at an even greater rate. The new ideal of Wissenschaft, moreover, put new demands on those students. They could no longer be the loutish brawlers famous from earlier times, protected by the traditional medieval corporate immunities; they had to become the serious, even “moral” students committed to Bildung and the life of the mind that Fichte had tried to establish at Jena.

? ? 因此，上大學(xué)的學(xué)生人數(shù)急劇增長(zhǎng)（1800年至1835年間幾乎翻了一番）盖高，在像海德堡這樣的地方慎陵，大學(xué)生人數(shù)以更快的速度增加眼虱。再者喻奥，新科學(xué)理想對(duì)這些學(xué)生提出新的要求。他們可能不再是早先時(shí)代有名的粗野的打架斗毆者捏悬，不再享有中世紀(jì)傳統(tǒng)社團(tuán)豁免權(quán)撞蚕；他們必須成為嚴(yán)肅認(rèn)真的、甚至是成為“品行端正的”學(xué)生过牙，承諾要有教養(yǎng)和過(guò)著那種由費(fèi)希特嘗試在耶拿確立的精神生活甥厦。

The Rise of the Philosophical Faculty

Likewise, the universities themselves and the professors within them had to change their ways. The central faculties of the traditional German university were law, medicine, theology, and philosophy. (The philosophical faculty included subjects such as history and the natural sciences.) One of the key features of the newly emerging university based on Wissenschaft and Bildung was the way in which the philosoph? ical faculty came to be central to the mission of the university as the place where all the other subjects taught at the university were to be unified and ordered. (Niethammer’s “General Normative” for schools in Bavaria, for example, had attempted to build this newly emerging centrality of the philosophical faculty into the curriculum of the Gym? nasium.) Both law and medicine - and, increasingly, theology itself - thus began to understand themselves as guided and ordered by the philosophical faculty and, as Fichte had argued at Jena and then later at Berlin, within that faculty itself, the philosophers per se were to be the leading lights.

哲學(xué)系的崛起

? ? 同樣凛驮，一些大學(xué)自身和這些大學(xué)里的教授也不得不改變自己的發(fā)展方向煞肾。傳統(tǒng)德國(guó)大學(xué)里的龍頭系科是法學(xué)系、醫(yī)學(xué)系湃交、神學(xué)系和哲學(xué)系扫倡。（哲學(xué)系包含諸如歷史學(xué)和自然科學(xué)這樣的學(xué)科谦秧。）新問(wèn)世的大學(xué)奠基于科學(xué)和教化，這樣的大學(xué)的關(guān)鍵特色之一在于某種方式，借此方式哲學(xué)系最終成為完成作為特定場(chǎng)所的大學(xué)使命的中堅(jiān)系科疚鲤，在這個(gè)特定場(chǎng)所锥累，所有在大學(xué)講授的其他學(xué)科都必將得到統(tǒng)籌協(xié)調(diào)。（舉例來(lái)說(shuō)集歇，尼特哈默爾關(guān)于巴伐利亞院校的“通用規(guī)范”就已嘗試把這種新問(wèn)世的以哲學(xué)系為中心的做法搬到高級(jí)中學(xué)課程中桶略。因此，法學(xué)系和醫(yī)學(xué)系這兩個(gè)系科——還有神學(xué)系自己也越來(lái)越——著手把自己理解為受引領(lǐng)和聽(tīng)命于哲學(xué)系诲宇，像費(fèi)希特早在耶拿和之后在柏林時(shí)就已力主的际歼，有些哲學(xué)家本身注定是航標(biāo)燈式的人物。）

That the philosophical faculties rose to this position had in part to do with the decline of theology as a central faculty in the university.? Part of that decline was surely based on the decreasing number of jobs for trained theologians; but another and equally important part of it was the attempt by the modern faculties to free themselves from the chains of theological orthodoxy. Most of the disputes between the university and the ruling orders had traditionally been about theological matters and had usually had to do with some alleged violation or undermining of accepted orthodoxy. Kant himself, for example, had run into trouble for his writings on religious issues that challenged the governing ortho? doxy. The modern concern with freedom, however, which had been so intoxicatingly developed first by Kant himself and then by his idealist successors at Jena, gave the modernist reformers a firm motivation to cut the university free from its older theological bondage, and the philosophical faculty naturally emerged as the most likely candidate to supply the missing foundation for university studies that theology had partially supplied in the past. Indeed, it was in part in order to escape from such theological control of the university that the professoriate put the philosophers in charge, and even more strikingly, many of the leading theologians of the period also enthusiastically subscribed to this view. For example, the theologians Daub and Paulus were the key figures in bringing Hegel to Heidelberg (Paulus was also a good friend of Hegel’s), and Schleiermacher, the great theologian of the university at Berlin, openly lamented losing Hegel to Heidelberg, remarking in a letter in 1816 to a friend (a professor at Heidelberg), “It may be that our minister von Schuckmann is responsible for your having snatched Hegel away from under our noses. God knows what is to become of our university when it so sorely lacks philosophers.”^*^

? ? 哲學(xué)系地位的上升部分地與神學(xué)系作為大學(xué)核心系科的下降有關(guān)姑蓝。下降的部分原因當(dāng)然奠基于培養(yǎng)出的神學(xué)家就業(yè)不景氣蹬挺；但是下降的另一同樣重要的部分原因在于現(xiàn)代學(xué)科試圖擺脫神學(xué)正統(tǒng)觀念的束縛。大學(xué)與統(tǒng)治秩序之間的絕大多數(shù)爭(zhēng)端傳統(tǒng)上都是神學(xué)的事情它掂，并且通常與某些所謂的違反或削弱公認(rèn)的正統(tǒng)觀念有關(guān)巴帮。舉例來(lái)說(shuō)，康德本人就因他關(guān)于宗教問(wèn)題的著作對(duì)占支配地位的正統(tǒng)觀念構(gòu)成挑戰(zhàn)而招惹麻煩虐秋。然而榕茧，現(xiàn)代人對(duì)自由的關(guān)注，最先由康德自己接著由他在耶拿的唯心主義繼承者發(fā)揚(yáng)的令人興奮的對(duì)自由的關(guān)注客给，使現(xiàn)代主義改革者堅(jiān)定信心去讓大學(xué)掙脫舊有的神學(xué)的束縛用押，而哲學(xué)系自然顯出可能最有資格提供那過(guò)去部分地由神學(xué)提供的現(xiàn)已缺失的大學(xué)學(xué)業(yè)基礎(chǔ)。實(shí)際上靶剑，部分地是為了擺脫這樣的神學(xué)對(duì)大學(xué)的控制蜻拨，教授委員會(huì)才委任哲學(xué)家執(zhí)掌，更惹人注目的是桩引，那時(shí)的許多一流神學(xué)家同樣也熱情地支持上述觀點(diǎn)缎讼。舉例來(lái)說(shuō)，神學(xué)家道布和保盧斯是把黑格爾挖到海德堡的關(guān)鍵人物（保盧斯也是黑格爾的好友）坑匠，施萊爾馬赫這位柏林大學(xué)大神學(xué)家公開(kāi)悲嘆黑格爾投向了海德堡血崭，他在1816年致友人（海德堡教授）信中說(shuō)道：“我們的馮·舒克曼部長(zhǎng)可能要對(duì)你從我們眼皮底下?lián)屪吆诟駹栘?fù)責(zé)。天曉得在極其缺乏哲學(xué)家時(shí)我們的大學(xué)必將變成何種模樣厘灼〖腥遥”

The decline in the status of theology was accompanied, naturally enough, by a huge drop in enrollments during this period. But, inter? estingly enough, enrollments in philosophy, at least at Heidelberg, did not necessarily increase as a result of the decline in theology. The reformed civil services were, after all, to be staffed with the graduates of the new universities, most students viewed the university simply as a path to a promising career, and since cameralistics and law seemed to be the surer path to a career, most students took that path and enrolled in that faculty. What Schiller had dismissively characterized in his address in Jena as the Brotgelehrte (the students studying for their “bread,” that is, their careers, instead of for the joy of learning itself) had in fact become the main constituents of the new university. This put the students in direct conflict with the way that the professors understood themselves and the university at which they were working and gave a tremendous impetus for the philosophical faculty further to assert its supremacy in the curriculum and in the wider life of the country.

? ? 神學(xué)地位的下降自然而然地帶來(lái)了這個(gè)階段學(xué)生入學(xué)人數(shù)的銳減。然而设凹，極為有趣的是舰讹，哲學(xué)系入學(xué)人數(shù)，至少海德堡大學(xué)哲學(xué)系入學(xué)人數(shù)闪朱，并沒(méi)有因神學(xué)地位的下降而必然有所增加月匣。畢竟匈睁，改革后的公務(wù)員必將由新型大學(xué)的畢業(yè)生擔(dān)任，絕大部分大學(xué)生簡(jiǎn)單地把大學(xué)看作獲得有前途的職業(yè)的途徑桶错，因?yàn)樨?cái)政學(xué)和法學(xué)看來(lái)好像成為謀取職業(yè)的更穩(wěn)妥的途徑航唆，所以絕大多數(shù)學(xué)生選擇這條途徑且進(jìn)入這些系科。席勒在耶拿演講中輕蔑地形容為的“Brotgelehrte”（為“面包”也即為職業(yè)而非為學(xué)習(xí)自身帶來(lái)的樂(lè)趣而學(xué)習(xí)的學(xué)生）實(shí)際上已經(jīng)成了新型大學(xué)的主要組成部分院刁。這就使大學(xué)生與教授借以理解自身的方式和教授正在供職于的大學(xué)產(chǎn)生直接的沖突糯钙，這就使哲學(xué)系增添無(wú)窮動(dòng)力進(jìn)一步維護(hù)自己在大學(xué)課程中和廣闊的國(guó)家生活中的優(yōu)先地位。

Tensions in the New Universities

The particular tension between a faculty devoted to Wissenschaft and students devoted to their careers had a special edge to it at Heidelberg, which was populated with students studying for a career but who had already absorbed a certain Romantic view of the world. Many students had been drawn to Heidelberg because of the way in which the faculty and the Romantic writers associated with the university had developed a form of Romanticism in light of an emerging sense of German iden? tity. The bucolic setting of the town and its famous ruined castle on the hill (something that particularly caught the imagination of a generation becoming fascinated by the spectacle of ruins of all sorts) did nothing to diminish its appeal as a worthy Romantic successor to Jena. However, by the time Hegel arrived, the Romantics had themselves long since departed Heidelberg, and the more professorial, rationalist faculty soon found themselves at odds with students who were attempting to lead what was already by then the emerging myth of romantic student life at “old Heidelberg.”

新型大學(xué)中的緊張關(guān)系

? ? 致力于科學(xué)的系科與致力于職業(yè)的學(xué)生之間特殊的緊張關(guān)系在海德堡變得特別尖銳退腥，這里充斥著為謀求職業(yè)學(xué)習(xí)的學(xué)生任岸，但是他們已經(jīng)吸收了一些浪漫派作家的世界觀。很多學(xué)生由于一種方式而被吸引到海德堡狡刘，借助這種方式享潜，大學(xué)系科和那與大學(xué)相聯(lián)系的浪漫派作家依照現(xiàn)存的德國(guó)人認(rèn)同感闡發(fā)浪漫主義形式。小鎮(zhèn)田園牧歌般的環(huán)境和小鎮(zhèn)附近山上著名的傾毀的城堡（某種特別引起沉迷于各種廢墟景觀的一代人幻想的東西）絲毫沒(méi)有減少小鎮(zhèn)作為可敬的耶拿浪漫主義繼承者的吸引力嗅蔬。然而剑按，至黑格爾抵達(dá)的時(shí)候，浪漫主義者老早就已經(jīng)離開(kāi)海德堡澜术，而思想較為古板的奉行理性主義的教職員工很快發(fā)覺(jué)他們自己與那些學(xué)生意見(jiàn)分歧艺蝴，因?yàn)檫@些學(xué)生在嘗試為到那時(shí)已在“新海德堡”問(wèn)世的浪漫主義學(xué)生生活神話(huà)的東西鳴鑼開(kāi)道。

But in making this break with the past and setting up the university on the model of Wissenschaft^ the reformers were also setting themselves on a course that was to lead to some unexpected collisions between themselves and the ruling powers. From then on, the main areas of dispute between the universities and the ruling powers were not so much theological as political - that is, they were concerned not so much with violations of theological orthodoxy as with breaches of political observance. This was only to be expected as states gradually assumed the financing of the universities and as the traditional medieval corpo? rate structure of self-rule and corporate immunity vanished in the wake of the revolutionary restructuring of German life.

? ? 但是鸟废，在與過(guò)去決裂和依據(jù)科學(xué)模式創(chuàng)辦大學(xué)時(shí)猜敢，改革者自己同樣也在逐漸使他們自己置身于一種過(guò)程，這種過(guò)程必將導(dǎo)致某些意想不到的在他們自己與統(tǒng)治勢(shì)力之間的沖撞盒延。從那時(shí)起缩擂，大學(xué)與統(tǒng)治勢(shì)力之間爭(zhēng)論的主要領(lǐng)域主要不是神學(xué)領(lǐng)域而是政治領(lǐng)域——也即爭(zhēng)論的主要領(lǐng)域大體上不涉及違反神學(xué)正統(tǒng)觀念而涉及違犯政治慣例問(wèn)題。只不過(guò)必將指日可待的是添寺，隨著德國(guó)人實(shí)現(xiàn)生活上的全新重建胯盯，國(guó)家逐漸承擔(dān)起大學(xué)財(cái)政事務(wù)，傳統(tǒng)的中世紀(jì)的自治團(tuán)體結(jié)構(gòu)和團(tuán)體豁免權(quán)就不復(fù)存在了畦贸。

Several other things conspired to make life particularly chaotic for the professors in the new university. Student enrollments were going up, and professorial status and pay were on the rise; but revenues were not increasing as rapidly, inflation was running high, and the reorgan? ized, rationalized governments were now completely footing the bill for universities in a time of fiscal chaos for themselves. Since the newly reorganized universities were more or less making up the rules as they went along, there were ongoing struggles for authority as to who was to decide which issues about university life. Roughly, those struggles broke down into conflicts between attempts by the professoriate to run the university and attempts by the government to run them. This was particularly evident in the matters of appointments. The government tended to think that since they were footing the bill, they had the right to appoint all the professors, and, not unsurprisingly, the faculty re? sisted that view. The government was also interested in teaching the large numbers of new students for as little money as possible, which made the government especially receptive to hiring “extraordinary” professors or Privatdozenten (“private academics”). The “ordinary” professors (such as Hegel) drew respectable salaries; the “extraordinary” professors, on the other hand, drew either very little salary (often only 300 Thalers or less, in contrast with Hegel’s 1,500 Thalers) or even none at all; and the Privatdozenten drew no salary at all. Both “extraor? dinary professors” and Privatdozenten therefore had to have money from independent sources (in other words, from their families) in order to support themselves; and they were encouraged to take these positions by the lure or merely the hope of one day securing “ordinary” profes? sorships for themselves. Since part of the “ordinary” professor’s income depended on student lecture fees (along with fees for reading doctoral work and for participating in doctoral examinations), the low-paid “ex? traordinary” professors and Privatdozenten came into direct competition with the “ordinary” professors for students and the money they brought with them. This of course gave the faculties powerful incentives to make the entrance requirements to the professoriate more stringent so that there would be less competition for student fees.^’

? ? 若干其他東西交織起來(lái)致使新型大學(xué)教授生活特別混亂陨闹。學(xué)生入學(xué)人數(shù)不斷增長(zhǎng)，教授地位和工資也在提升薄坏；可是，國(guó)家財(cái)政卻沒(méi)有相應(yīng)地迅速增長(zhǎng)寨闹，通貨膨脹持續(xù)走高胶坠，而重組后的經(jīng)過(guò)合理化改革的政府在自身財(cái)政一團(tuán)糟時(shí)為大學(xué)負(fù)擔(dān)了全部費(fèi)用。既然新近重組后的大學(xué)或多或少制定了自己正常運(yùn)行時(shí)的規(guī)章制度繁堡，就誰(shuí)來(lái)決定大學(xué)生活事務(wù)而論繼續(xù)存在著與當(dāng)局的斗爭(zhēng)沈善。粗略地說(shuō)乡数，這些斗爭(zhēng)導(dǎo)致嘗試由教授委員會(huì)管理大學(xué)與嘗試由政府管理大學(xué)之間的沖突。上述沖突在任命問(wèn)題上表現(xiàn)得尤為突出闻牡。政府傾向于認(rèn)為既然是政府買(mǎi)單净赴，政府就有權(quán)利任命所有的教授，而且罩润，并不令人驚奇的是玖翅，大學(xué)教職員工竭力反對(duì)這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)。政府同樣也對(duì)花盡可能少的錢(qián)來(lái)教育大量的新學(xué)生感興趣割以，這就使得政府特別樂(lè)于雇傭“臨時(shí)”教授或Privatdozenten（“私人學(xué)者”）金度。“專(zhuān)任”教授（例如黑格爾）要領(lǐng)取相當(dāng)可觀的薪水严沥；從另一方面來(lái)說(shuō)猜极，“臨時(shí)”教授要么領(lǐng)取很微薄的薪水（常常只有300泰勒或更少，這與黑格爾領(lǐng)取的1500泰勒薪水形成鮮明的對(duì)比）消玄，要么甚至根本不領(lǐng)分文薪水跟伏；私人學(xué)者根本沒(méi)有薪水◆婀希“臨時(shí)教授”和“私人學(xué)者”因此不得不從單獨(dú)的來(lái)源（換句話(huà)說(shuō)酬姆，從他們的家庭）拿錢(qián)養(yǎng)活他們自己；他們因“專(zhuān)任”教授職位的誘惑或僅僅是因希望有朝一日他們自己能夠獲得“專(zhuān)任”教授職位而被激勵(lì)去謀取這些職位奥溺。因?yàn)椤皩?zhuān)任”教授部分收入依賴(lài)于學(xué)生選課費(fèi)（連同評(píng)閱博士學(xué)位論文和參加博士學(xué)位答辯的費(fèi)用）辞色，所以地位低下的“臨時(shí)”教授和私人學(xué)者開(kāi)始直接與“專(zhuān)任”教授競(jìng)爭(zhēng)選課學(xué)生及其繳納的選課費(fèi)。這當(dāng)然有力地促使系科設(shè)置更加嚴(yán)厲的教授任職門(mén)檻浮定，因此教授對(duì)學(xué)生選課費(fèi)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)程度就會(huì)相對(duì)弱些相满。

With regard to these kinds of disputes, Hegel on the whole displayed a certain (and in some ways, uncharacteristic) humility, claiming that since he had been out of the university for so long he felt he needed to defer to his colleagues’ more seasoned judgments. (He even remarked in a letter to Niethammer about how he was “only a beginning univer? sity professor.”)^*^ But he was also quite forceful when it came to issues of professorial authority and autonomy. He was at the same time always very open to the particular needs of the students; in cases in which worthy students lacking money were applying for their doctoral degrees, Hegel would consistently waive his fees for examining them even though it clearly meant a reduction in his own income.

? ? 對(duì)于上述這類(lèi)爭(zhēng)論，黑格爾大體上表現(xiàn)出一種特有的（從某些方面說(shuō)向來(lái)少有的）謙卑桦卒，聲稱(chēng)因?yàn)樗L(zhǎng)期以來(lái)不在大學(xué)工作立美，所以他覺(jué)得自己需要聽(tīng)從同事更加成熟的看法。（他甚至還在致尼特哈默爾信中說(shuō)道他“只是個(gè)初出茅廬的大學(xué)教授”方灾。）然而建蹄，他在涉及教授權(quán)威和自律問(wèn)題時(shí)又很強(qiáng)勢(shì)。他同時(shí)總是對(duì)學(xué)生的各種要求盡量予以滿(mǎn)足裕偿；在優(yōu)秀學(xué)生缺少申請(qǐng)博士學(xué)位費(fèi)用的情況下洞慎，黑格爾常常會(huì)免去他們的答辯費(fèi)用，縱使這樣做顯然意味著他自己減少了收入嘿棘。

A typical struggle over authority between the government and the faculty in which Hegel was involved was the case of Joseph H. Hillebrand. Hillebrand had been a Catholic priest teaching at a Catholic seminary who had lost his teaching position after he converted to Prot? estantism. He then applied to be an “extraordinary” professor in Hei? delberg and found support in the Badenese interior ministry for this.? The Badenese ministry made his permission to teach conditional on his getting the status of doctor from the philosophical faculty. (Why the Badenese ministry was interested in his case is not clear.) The faculty countered with the claim that Hillebrand could not be allowed to teach until he had submitted an appropriate Habilitation, the traditional work that bestows the right to teach. Some, like the dean of the faculty (Johann Heinrich Voss), however, thought that the matter was moot, since the government had appointed Hillebrand and that was that.? Others were not so sanguine, Hegel among them. Hegel complained that the request that the faculty grant Hillebrand a doctorate was super? fluous if the government really was to take unto itself the authority to appoint people to academic positions without any consultation with the faculty, and he was therefore certainly not ready in this case (as he was in so many other cases) to waive his examination fees. Hegel’s friend, the classicist Creuzer, joined him and called for the universities to assert their “dignity” against governments. When Hillebrand nonetheless sub? mitted a written work to the faculty - he submitted something he had written while still teaching at the Catholic seminary - the faculty casti? gated it; among the charges made against him was that he “understood no Latin” and that his work was composed mostly of “windy phrases.”

? ? 約瑟夫·H.希勒布蘭德事件是一場(chǎng)典型的黑格爾卷入其中的關(guān)于政府與學(xué)校之間的權(quán)力之爭(zhēng)劲腿。希勒布蘭德是一名在天主教神學(xué)院執(zhí)教的天主教牧師，他在皈依新教后喪失了教學(xué)職位鸟妙。他后來(lái)申請(qǐng)擔(dān)任海德堡大學(xué)“臨時(shí)”教授焦人，并獲得巴登內(nèi)務(wù)部對(duì)這件事的支持挥吵。巴登內(nèi)務(wù)部要他承諾執(zhí)教的條件是他將獲得哲學(xué)系博士身份。（目前無(wú)法弄清為什么巴登內(nèi)務(wù)部對(duì)希勒布蘭德執(zhí)教這樣感興趣花椭。）系里則反對(duì)巴登內(nèi)務(wù)部的上述做法忽匈，主張希勒布蘭德除非提交一份相應(yīng)的大學(xué)執(zhí)教資格證書(shū)（這是獲得教學(xué)權(quán)利的傳統(tǒng)做法），否則不可能被允許來(lái)哲學(xué)系執(zhí)教矿辽。然而丹允，有些教工，像系主任（約翰·海因里相氯瘢·福斯）一樣嫌松，認(rèn)為這項(xiàng)要求是無(wú)實(shí)際意義的，原因在于政府已任命希勒布蘭德為“臨時(shí)”教授且這是鐵板釘釘?shù)氖虑檗任邸Ｆ渌藚s并不如此樂(lè)觀萎羔，黑格爾就是其中一位。黑格爾抱怨道碳默，如果政府真正動(dòng)用權(quán)力任命人們學(xué)術(shù)職位而根本不與哲學(xué)系做磋商的話(huà)贾陷，那么要求哲學(xué)系授予希勒布蘭德博士學(xué)位就是多此一舉。黑格爾因此在這種情況下（像他在很多其他情況下）肯定不準(zhǔn)備免收答辯費(fèi)嘱根。黑格爾的友人古典主義者克羅伊策爾與黑格爾齊心合力髓废，呼吁大學(xué)應(yīng)該維護(hù)自己的“尊嚴(yán)”，反對(duì)政府那套做法该抒。當(dāng)希勒布蘭德仍然向哲學(xué)系提交一份書(shū)面作品（他提交自己還在天主教神學(xué)院執(zhí)教時(shí)就已寫(xiě)就的作品）的時(shí)候慌洪，哲學(xué)系把這個(gè)作品說(shuō)得一錢(qián)不值；在對(duì)他作出不利的指責(zé)中包括他“不懂拉丁文”和他的作品絕大部分由“空洞無(wú)物的言辭”構(gòu)成凑保。

Although firmly on the side of upholding the rights of the faculty to oversee new appointments, Hegel was nonetheless concerned to see that Hillebrand was treated fairly and did not become a mere vehicle on which the faculty could vent its displeasure with the government’s interference in the university. On reading a book by Hillebrand on pedagogy (which implicitly criticized Niethammer’s own work), Hegel noted that although “it cannot be taken for a scientific work,” that was not “its goal,” and that it moreover displayed a good “acquaintance with many philosophical thoughts”^^ The faculty was not nearly as kind as Hegel and demanded a Latin dissertation and a Latin oration from Hillebrand before the doctorate could be conferred on him. Tempers continued to heat up over the matter, but after Hillebrand finally man? aged to satisfy most of the faculty that he had done the necessary work for the doctorate (after having already been appointed by the govern? ment as “extraordinary professor”), many felt quite relieved that matter was over and that they had preserved their rights to examine candidates.

? ? 盡管堅(jiān)定地站在支持系里有權(quán)利監(jiān)督新人事任命這一方冈爹，黑格爾卻依然關(guān)注希勒布蘭德是否得到相當(dāng)公正的對(duì)待，黑格爾也沒(méi)有純粹變成系里可能發(fā)泄對(duì)政府干涉大學(xué)的不滿(mǎn)情緒的工具欧引。在審閱一本由希勒布蘭德撰寫(xiě)的關(guān)于教育學(xué)的著作（該著作包含對(duì)尼特哈默爾自己的著作的批評(píng)）時(shí)频伤，黑格爾強(qiáng)調(diào)指出：“它不能被當(dāng)作一部有關(guān)科學(xué)的著作看待”，“它的目標(biāo)”不是成為關(guān)于科學(xué)的著作芝此，并強(qiáng)調(diào)指出它還展現(xiàn)出作者非潮镄ぃ“了解諸多哲學(xué)思想”。哲學(xué)系幾乎不像黑格爾這么仁慈婚苹，要求希勒布蘭德在可能被授予博士學(xué)位前提交一篇拉丁文博士學(xué)位論文和做一次拉丁文演講岸更。一些人對(duì)這件事的憤怨繼續(xù)發(fā)酵，但是租副，在希勒布蘭德最終設(shè)法使系里大部分人滿(mǎn)意坐慰，因?yàn)樗瓿闪双@得博士學(xué)位的必要工作后（在他已被政府任命為“臨時(shí)教授”之后），很多人感到非常寬慰用僧，因?yàn)槭虑榻Y(jié)束了结胀，因?yàn)樗麄儽Ｓ辛怂麄兛疾觳┦抠Y格候選人的權(quán)利。黑格爾對(duì)這種安慰作出了辛辣的評(píng)論责循，指出他贊同“系里的權(quán)利得到了保留”的說(shuō)法糟港，因?yàn)椋瑥倪@次具體的對(duì)抗來(lái)看院仿，系里顯然已經(jīng)沒(méi)有這樣的權(quán)力秸抚。

Hegel sarcastically commented on these reassurances by noting that he agreed that “the rights of the faculty have been preserved, since from this particular confrontation it has become clear that the faculty has no such rights.? There were many other such cases, although none that raised tempers quite as much as Hillebrand’s case. As the philosophical faculty began to emerge as the central faculty of the university, disputes between it and other faculties naturally arose. When a student (Franz Anton Regenauer) who had won a prize in cameralistics offered himself as a candidate for a doctorate from the philosophical faculty, the issue arose as to whether the faculty from the cameralistic section were to be allowed to be among the examiners for the degree in philosophy. (The degree could be conferred after an examination by the faculty; the examination consisted of answering some questions posed by the fac? ulty.) The philosophical faculty rejected the cameralistic faculty’s claims to be among the examiners, claiming that the philosophical faculty and they alone were competent to decide if the philosophical doctorate was to be conferred on Mr. Regenauer. Regenauer’s claim, however, that the cameralistic faculty should question him for the philosophical degree in fact rested on a government edict of 1812 that seemed to require exactly that. In the debate, Hegel tried to compromise between the factions by arguing that the 1812 edict only had to do with “disserta? tions” (and not examinations) that “were to have at the same time philosophical and cameralistic content” and thus that the philosophical faculty had in fact the right to examine Regenauer by themselves. (This put Hegel on the side of Johann Voss, the dean of the faculty, who himself had sided with the philosophers.) But when the faculty required a written work from Regenauer, Hegel also argued that their original timetable was unfair to Regenauer and should be extended. (Regenauer later dropped the matter, pleading that he did not have the necessary seventy-four florins for the required doctoral fees.)’**

? ? 還有很多其他類(lèi)似的事件，盡管沒(méi)有哪個(gè)事件像希勒布蘭德事件一樣引起某些人的憤怒歹垫。隨著哲學(xué)系開(kāi)始成為大學(xué)的核心系科剥汤，它與其他系科之間出現(xiàn)沖突在所難免。當(dāng)一個(gè)獲得財(cái)政學(xué)獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金的學(xué)生（鄧?yán)墅溑挪遥矕|·雷格瑙爾）參加哲學(xué)系博士學(xué)位候選人角逐的時(shí)候吭敢，出現(xiàn)了財(cái)政學(xué)系教師是否將被允許擔(dān)任哲學(xué)學(xué)位考官的問(wèn)題。（學(xué)位可在通過(guò)系里考試后授予暮芭；考試內(nèi)容包括回答系里提出的一些問(wèn)題鹿驼。）哲學(xué)系拒絕財(cái)政學(xué)系教師也擔(dān)任考官的要求，聲稱(chēng)哲學(xué)系教師且單單他們才有資格決定哲學(xué)博士學(xué)位是否將被授予雷格瑙爾先生辕宏。不過(guò)畜晰，雷格瑙爾聲稱(chēng)財(cái)政學(xué)系教師應(yīng)該就哲學(xué)學(xué)位對(duì)他進(jìn)行提問(wèn)，這個(gè)主張實(shí)際上依據(jù)的是1812年政府法令瑞筐，而且這項(xiàng)法令看來(lái)確實(shí)是作出了這樣的要求凄鼻。在這場(chǎng)爭(zhēng)論中，黑格爾努力通過(guò)以下做法在各派之間做好調(diào)和工作：主張1812年政府法令僅僅與“同時(shí)具有哲學(xué)和財(cái)政學(xué)內(nèi)容”的“學(xué)術(shù)演講”（而非考試）有關(guān)聚假，因此哲學(xué)系教師其實(shí)有權(quán)利單獨(dú)組織對(duì)雷格瑙爾進(jìn)行考試块蚌。（這就使黑格爾站到系主任約翰·福斯這一方，約翰·福斯自己同哲學(xué)家們站在一方魔策。）然而匈子，當(dāng)哲學(xué)系教師要求雷格瑙爾提交一篇學(xué)術(shù)論文時(shí)，黑格爾同樣認(rèn)為他們?cè)ǖ臅r(shí)間表對(duì)雷格瑙爾有失公平闯袒，因此原定時(shí)間表應(yīng)該向后推遲虎敦。（雷格瑙爾后來(lái)不再提這件事情，辯稱(chēng)他不必再交納博士學(xué)位答辯要求交納的74弗羅林費(fèi)用政敢。）

Not everything turned on such weighty issues. When another student (a Mr. Franz Jakob Gobel) pleaded that he needed to put the examina? tion quickly behind him because he had been offered a position as a professor in the Netherlands (apparently as a professor of mathematics), the dean told the faculty that in his opinion, they should expedite things. But a quick examination by some of the professors discovered great gaps in Gobel’s knowledge of Greek and mechanics, and Hegel noted that to his surprise Gobel showed no understanding at all of the difference between integral and differential calculus or of the fine points of mechanics, which made Hegel all the more skeptical that any univer? sity would actually make such a person a professor of mathematics; if the faculty were to bestow a doctorate on Gobel, Hegel sarcastically noted, “the doctoral diploma would easily appear here as an instrument to compensate for his lack of knowledge.”’*^

? ? 還是有些事情沒(méi)有變成這樣沉重的問(wèn)題其徙。當(dāng)另一個(gè)學(xué)生（弗朗麥，雅各布·格貝爾先生）請(qǐng)求他需要盡快參加博士學(xué)位答辯喷户，因?yàn)樗驯黄笧楹商m大學(xué)教授（顯然被聘為數(shù)學(xué)教授）的時(shí)候唾那，哲學(xué)系主任向全系教授們通報(bào)了他的請(qǐng)求：按照他的意見(jiàn)，他們應(yīng)該盡快處理他的博士學(xué)位答辯相關(guān)事宜褪尝。然而闹获，一些教授對(duì)他進(jìn)行快速考試后發(fā)現(xiàn)格貝爾在希臘文和力學(xué)知識(shí)方面非常欠缺期犬，黑格爾也強(qiáng)調(diào)指出，令他驚訝的是避诽，格貝爾顯然根本不懂積分學(xué)與微分學(xué)的差異龟虎，或?qū)αW(xué)的若干細(xì)節(jié)一無(wú)所知，這使黑格爾更加懷疑大學(xué)將會(huì)讓這樣一個(gè)人做數(shù)學(xué)教授沙庐。如果哲學(xué)系計(jì)劃授予格貝爾博士學(xué)位鲤妥，黑格爾辛辣地說(shuō)道：“博士文憑在這里就會(huì)容易成為一種彌補(bǔ)他知識(shí)匱乏的工具」俺”然而棉安，在哲學(xué)系教授最終同意格貝爾重寫(xiě)的學(xué)術(shù)論文質(zhì)量上完全達(dá)到授予博士學(xué)位水平的時(shí)候，黑格爾同樣也贊同他們對(duì)格貝爾這篇學(xué)術(shù)論文的考量铸抑。

But when the faculty finally agreed that Gobel’s rewritten work was of sufficient quality, Hegel went along with their judgment. When a Mr. James Bothwell applied for the doctorate but was turned down (for being in the eyes of one of the relevant faculty members “superficial, limited . . . and a shameless windbag”), he then applied for the right to conduct lectures and some? how managed to enlist the vice-rector of the university in his cause; Hegel was only too happy in that case to concur with his colleagues (who had since come to judge Mr. Bothwell even more harshly as a “l(fā)iar and a braggart” about his credentials) and to deny Bothwell any consideration at all.^^

? ? 當(dāng)雅梅斯·博特韋爾先生申請(qǐng)博士學(xué)位遭拒的時(shí)候（因?yàn)樵谙道镆晃幌嚓P(guān)的審核論文成員眼中贡耽，這篇博士學(xué)位論文是“膚淺的、眼界狹隘的……論文申請(qǐng)者是無(wú)恥的空談?wù)摺保┫刍又暾?qǐng)進(jìn)行試講的權(quán)利并且千方百計(jì)贏得大學(xué)副校長(zhǎng)在這件事上對(duì)他的支持菇爪；黑格爾在這件事上二話(huà)沒(méi)說(shuō)同意同事的做法（他們自那以后對(duì)被認(rèn)為是像博特韋爾這類(lèi)“吹牛撒謊的人”的博士學(xué)位證書(shū)審查工作變得更加嚴(yán)厲了），并且同意絕對(duì)不對(duì)博特韋爾再作考慮柒昏。

Underlying all of Hegel’s participation in the struggles over authority between the government and the university and over the newly emerg? ing standards of learning to be expected from students was a deeper view' of the role of the university and the role of the professor in the new university. As a professor in the newly reorganized university, Hegel understood himself as a man of Bildung and a professor devoted to Wissenschaft, something he shared with many other colleagues. More? over, in understanding himself in this way, he understood himself as playing a role and occupying a social position that cut across other more familiar and more traditional social divisions, such as class and estate.? Indeed, the ideal of the modern university as the linchpin of modern life w'as not, in Hegel’s eyes, a matter of social class at all; it was a matter of being part of a more universalistic body of people who were not bound by the particularistic strictures of hometown life. Hegel was not in his own eyes offering up a “bourgeois” philosophy; as he would have understood himself, he was not attempting, for example, to replace the power of the aristocracy with that of the newly energized bourgeoi? sie. In fact, Hegel (and people like him) would not have thought of themselves as particularly “bourgeois” at all. They would instead have thought of themselves as men of Bildung, as not tied to any particular social class, since an aristocrat, a bourgeois, or even the son of a ribbon maker (such as Fichte) could become a man of Bildung. In fact, they would be at odds with many of the more obviously “bourgeois” values around them. That one of the great disputes in the university was that between the faculty (who were devoted to making the university a center of Wissenschaft) and the students (who tended to look on the university as a way to advance their careers) only illustrated the way in which people like Hegel would have thought of themselves as rejecting certain so-called bourgeois values without at the same time taking on any aristocratic affectations or necessarily identifying with aristocratic val? ues. The university was to be the place where the particularisms - whether regional or class-based - were to be overcome in the new, postNapoleonic modern collection of German states, and the men of Bildung were to be the universalistic “movers and doers” of that social order.

? ? 在黑格爾所有參與的關(guān)于政府與大學(xué)權(quán)力斗爭(zhēng)和關(guān)于新面世的學(xué)生期待的學(xué)習(xí)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)斗爭(zhēng)背后凳宙，是一種對(duì)大學(xué)角色和新型大學(xué)中教授角色的深度看法。作為一名新近重組的大學(xué)中的教授职祷，黑格爾和他很多其他同事一樣氏涩，把自己理解為有教養(yǎng)的人和獻(xiàn)身科學(xué)的教授。不止于此有梆，在以上述方式理解自己的過(guò)程中是尖，他把自己理解為扮演某種角色和具有社會(huì)地位的人，這樣的角色和社會(huì)地位跨越了其他更為人熟悉的更加傳統(tǒng)的社會(huì)分工泥耀，例如饺汹，階層和財(cái)產(chǎn)。實(shí)際上痰催，在黑格爾眼中兜辞，現(xiàn)代大學(xué)的理想是大學(xué)自身要成為現(xiàn)代生活中的關(guān)鍵元素，這樣的理想根本不是關(guān)乎社會(huì)階層的問(wèn)題夸溶；這樣的理想是關(guān)乎某種更加具有普遍性的人的問(wèn)題逸吵，而且他們不受家鄉(xiāng)生活中特殊恩寵論結(jié)構(gòu)的束縛。在黑格爾自己眼中缝裁，他不是在提出一套“中產(chǎn)階級(jí)”哲學(xué)扫皱；像他大概對(duì)自己作出的理解那樣，他沒(méi)有嘗試?yán)缫孕陆Τ渑娴闹挟a(chǎn)階級(jí)權(quán)力取代貴族階層的權(quán)力。實(shí)際上韩脑，黑格爾（和像他一樣的人們）大概根本沒(méi)有特別把自己當(dāng)作“中產(chǎn)階級(jí)”看待氢妈。他們反而也許把自己看作有教養(yǎng)的人，而非看作受任何具體的社會(huì)階層牽制的人扰才，因?yàn)橐幻F族允懂、一個(gè)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)甚或一個(gè)緞帶生產(chǎn)商的兒子（例如費(fèi)希特）都可能成為一個(gè)有教養(yǎng)的人厕怜。實(shí)際上衩匣，他們總是與自己周遭很多較為明顯的“中產(chǎn)階級(jí)”價(jià)值觀念格格不入。大學(xué)里很多重大爭(zhēng)議之一是教職員工（他們致力于把學(xué)校變成科學(xué)的中心）與學(xué)生（他們傾向于把大學(xué)當(dāng)作使他們自己將來(lái)能找到好職業(yè)的途徑看待）之間的爭(zhēng)議粥航，這樣的爭(zhēng)議僅僅說(shuō)明琅捏，在某個(gè)方面，那些像黑格爾一樣的人們大概認(rèn)為他們自己拒絕所謂的特定的中產(chǎn)階級(jí)價(jià)值觀念递雀，同時(shí)絲毫未表現(xiàn)出貴族階層裝腔作勢(shì)或未必認(rèn)同貴族階層的價(jià)值觀念柄延。大學(xué)應(yīng)該是這樣的場(chǎng)所，在這里缀程，各種特殊恩寵論——無(wú)論是地域的還是以階層為基礎(chǔ)的特殊恩寵論——都必將葬身于新的后拿破侖一世時(shí)期的現(xiàn)代德國(guó)各州搜吧，而有教養(yǎng)的人必將成為心懷普遍論的“立即行動(dòng)起來(lái)實(shí)實(shí)在在重塑”社會(huì)秩序的人。

The structure of the modern world, which had been so hazy in 1806, now seemed to be coming into focus, to be gaining a sharper edge and determinacy before Hegel’s eyes. At this point in his life, nothing in his entire life experience seemed to be at odds with the philosophy he had begun in Frankfurt and Jena and worked out in Nuremberg; if anything, life around him seemed only to be confirming it. In light of his experi? ence, Hegel was becoming more and more convinced that his philoso? phy was in fact the account that the modern world had been implicitly seeking in order to understand for itself how its attempt to base itself in freedom was in fact a real possibility and not a historical illusion.? Although Heidelberg was not the central attraction it had been a few years before, nonetheless Hegel had good reason to believe that his own life, his philosophy, and the modern world in general were now finally achieving a kind of clarity about themselves and beginning to assume their proper shape.

? ? 現(xiàn)代世界的結(jié)構(gòu)杨凑，早在1816年就已經(jīng)是如此模糊的現(xiàn)代世界的結(jié)構(gòu)滤奈，現(xiàn)在看來(lái)好像逐漸顯豁明朗，現(xiàn)在看來(lái)好像以更加清晰和確定的形式展現(xiàn)在黑格爾眼前撩满。在他生命中的這個(gè)時(shí)刻蜒程，他的全部人生經(jīng)歷中看來(lái)好像沒(méi)有什么東西是與他那始于法蘭克福和耶拿時(shí)期、制定于紐倫堡時(shí)期的哲學(xué)不相一致的伺帘；如果說(shuō)有區(qū)別的話(huà)昭躺，他周遭的生活看來(lái)好像在逐漸證實(shí)他的哲學(xué)獨(dú)樹(shù)一幟。根據(jù)他自己的經(jīng)歷伪嫁，黑格爾變得越來(lái)越深信他自己的哲學(xué)實(shí)際上是一種為現(xiàn)代世界所暗中尋求的解釋?zhuān)F(xiàn)代世界這樣做旨在自為地理解它使自己基于自由的嘗試怎么實(shí)際上是確實(shí)可能的而非歷史的幻想领炫。盡管海德堡在幾年前還不是德國(guó)最具吸引力的城市，黑格爾仍然有著充分的理由相信张咳，他自己的生活帝洪、他自己的哲學(xué)和現(xiàn)代世界，一般說(shuō)來(lái)晶伦，終將達(dá)到一種它們自身的澄明碟狞，開(kāi)始呈現(xiàn)出它們相宜的形態(tài)。

Conviviality and Settling Down Middle Age

Hegel was reentering the university at a relatively late stage in his life.? At thirty, he had decided to prepare himself for a university career, and at forty-six, he was only acquiring for the first time a university position that actually paid him an income on which he could live (and, moreover, live quite comfortably, even if he did complain about the high rate of inflation then prevalent in all of Germany). During his period in Hei? delberg, short as it was, Hegel had begun to slow down his pace of work, to enjoy his middle-aged family and professional life, and to learn to be comfortable in his own skin. His frequent excursions for boat trips and visits to local scenic spots with Marie alone, with the entire family, and in the company of other Heidelberg friends were part of this. He was particularly enamored of the natural beauty of the region while at the same time apparently completely unmoved by the famous ruins of the Heidelberg castle that inspired so many contemporary Romantics (he never even mentions the ruins); he enjoyed standing at his window in the house he had rented, staring out at the wafts of mist drifting down from the neighboring hills; indeed, the students at the time did not take him to be particularly industrious at all/^ (Like many of Hegel’s admirers in the nineteenth century, his first biographer, Karl Rosenkranz, romanticized some of Hegel’s habits. He took Hegel’s wistful observations out his window to be periods of “Socratic reflection,” periods when the great man was lost deep in thought; and he related a story that is almost surely apocryphal but which has gone down in Hegel legend, that one day as Hegel was taking a stroll, he became so lost in thought that when one of his shoes became stuck in the mud, he remained so deeply lodged in his reflections that he did not even notice his missing shoe and simply continued walking. Although the story fits the nineteenth century image of the “genius” fairly well, it is probably not true of Hegel, who was quite aware of his professional status, and who dressed in a fairly modern style. Rosenkranz himself notes that in his walks, Hegel was typically attired in his “gray trousers and gray jacket,” obviously wearing what by then was the very fashionable English-inspired - and more or less modern - suit.)"*^

安居樂(lè)業(yè)：步入中年

? ? 黑格爾在自己人生相對(duì)很晚的階段才重返大學(xué)婚陪。早在而立之年族沃，他就已決定著手為在大學(xué)供職做準(zhǔn)備，在46歲時(shí)，他才僅僅第一次在大學(xué)供職脆淹，這確實(shí)提供給他一份賴(lài)以生存的收入（而且生活得有滋有味常空，縱使他確實(shí)抱怨過(guò)那時(shí)在整個(gè)德國(guó)普遍很高的通貨膨脹率）。在海德堡這個(gè)階段盖溺，盡管很短暫漓糙，黑格爾已經(jīng)開(kāi)始放慢自己的工作節(jié)奏，著手享受自己的中年家庭生活和教授生活的樂(lè)趣烘嘱，開(kāi)始學(xué)著去安然面對(duì)他自己的境遇昆禽。他單獨(dú)與瑪麗或與全家人或與海德堡其他朋友結(jié)伴頻繁地乘船旅游和參觀當(dāng)?shù)氐拿麆俟袍E，可以說(shuō)所有這些都構(gòu)成了他自己的生活不可或缺的一部分蝇庭。他特別迷戀本地的自然美景醉鳖，而與此同時(shí)則顯然完全不為海德堡城堡的著名遺址所打動(dòng)，盡管這些遺址激起很多同輩的浪漫主義者的靈感（他甚至從未提及這些遺跡）哮内；他享受獨(dú)自站在自己租住的房子窗前的樂(lè)趣盗棵，向外凝視從附近小山頂飄來(lái)的層層薄霧；實(shí)際上北发，那時(shí)的學(xué)生認(rèn)為他根本就不是個(gè)特別勤奮的老師纹因。（像黑格爾的19世紀(jì)眾多仰慕者一樣，他的首位傳記作者卡爾·羅森克蘭茨使黑格爾某些生活習(xí)慣浪漫化了琳拨。他把黑格爾向窗外沉思式的觀察看作“蘇格拉底式反思”的時(shí)刻瞭恰，看作巨人陷于深思的時(shí)刻；他講述了一個(gè)幾乎肯定是杜撰而已被列入黑格爾傳奇的故事：有一天从绘，黑格爾在散步時(shí)如此陷入沉思寄疏，以致當(dāng)他一只鞋陷在爛泥中時(shí)，他仍舊如此深陷思考中僵井，甚至沒(méi)有注意到失去了鞋子陕截，只是繼續(xù)往前走。這個(gè)故事與19世紀(jì)“天才人物”的形象非常契合批什，但這可能不是黑格爾的真實(shí)情況农曲，他非常在意自己的教授身份，穿著風(fēng)格相當(dāng)現(xiàn)代驻债。羅森克蘭茨自己指出乳规，在散步時(shí)，黑格爾通常穿著“灰褲子和灰?jiàn)A克”合呐，明顯穿著的是那時(shí)非常時(shí)尚的英倫風(fēng)格的——或多或少現(xiàn)代的一套西裝暮的。）

That Hegel was coming to be at ease for himself was not, however, as evident in his lectures. The anxieties that drove his speech impedi? ment and that had proved so unfortunate in his lectures in Jena - where he was obviously less sure of himself and more nervous about the impact he was making - did not go away. His stuttering, and his gasping for words, nonetheless do make a bit less of a documentary appearance in Heidelberg. In both Jena and Heidelberg, people commented on Hegel’s tormented lecture style, and the few comments in Heidelberg speak of a lecturer still unsure of himself before official bodies of people. In Heidelberg, Hegel remained rather wooden in his delivery, completely beholden to his lecture notes, possessed (as one hearer put it) of an “as it were tubercular” delivery, with the tendency to begin “every third part of a sentence or every third sentence with ‘thus’ ” (which did not stop some other students, as always less in awe of their professors than the professors might have preferred, to note how many times “thus” appeared in a Hegel lecture and compare notes afterwards).^'’ The ac? counts of Hegel as a Gymnasium teacher in Nuremberg make him out to be a relatively engaging and lively teacher; and while the accounts of his lecturing in Heidelberg were on the whole not quite so negative as they had been in Jena, it seems fair to conclude that Hegel’s tranquil.? satisfied life at Heidelberg, while lowering the level of his anxiety, did not eradicate it.

? ? 可是，黑格爾自己過(guò)得悠閑自得淌实，這在他講課時(shí)卻看不出來(lái)冻辩。講課口吃給他帶來(lái)的焦慮猖腕，以及在耶拿（他明顯底氣不足，并對(duì)自己講課口吃產(chǎn)生的影響更加提心吊膽）講課證明是差強(qiáng)人意的恨闪，從而促使他產(chǎn)生的焦慮倘感，始終盤(pán)踞在他的心中。他的口吃咙咽，他說(shuō)話(huà)時(shí)的喘息老玛，確實(shí)仍然在海德堡留下了些許記錄。在耶拿和海德堡钧敞，人們常常對(duì)黑格爾的折戟沉沙的講演風(fēng)格進(jìn)行評(píng)論蜡豹，而海德堡鮮有評(píng)論述及黑格爾作為講演者面對(duì)官方機(jī)構(gòu)人員依然顯得底氣不足。在海德堡犁享，黑格爾在講演中仍舊相當(dāng)死板余素，依舊完全依賴(lài)講課說(shuō)明，具有（像某個(gè)聽(tīng)眾描述的）一種“好像結(jié)核病人的”講演特征炊昆，喜歡“以‘因此’開(kāi)始每句話(huà)的第三部分或每第三句話(huà)”（這并不妨礙其他一些學(xué)生，通常在乎教授更有愛(ài)的東西而不在乎對(duì)教授敬畏的學(xué)生威根，會(huì)記下“因此”在黑格爾一堂課中出現(xiàn)多少次并與以后課堂筆記作比較）凤巨。在黑格爾擔(dān)任紐倫堡高級(jí)中學(xué)教師期間，有關(guān)描述證明他是個(gè)相當(dāng)吸引人的洛搀、充滿(mǎn)活力的教師敢茁；雖然學(xué)生們對(duì)他在海德堡時(shí)期授課的描述總體上不像他們對(duì)他在耶拿時(shí)期授課的描述那樣充滿(mǎn)負(fù)面性，但看來(lái)好像可以公正地?cái)喽裘溃诟駹柡５卤r(shí)期安靜的彰檬、令他滿(mǎn)意的生活盡管降低了他的焦慮程度，但沒(méi)有從根本上消除他的焦慮谎砾。

As with many people reaching middle age, Hegel was now able to reflect more on his own youth and on the changes that had overtaken him. In offering advice to Niethammer about Niethammer’s son, Julius (who was then studying at Heidelberg), Hegel autobiographically noted, “I can imagine you are dissatisfied with the state in which you found him after a year and half at the university. My father was likewise said to have been incapable of being satisfied with me at that age.” It is one of the few places where Hegel mentions his father; but it is clear that at the age of forty-seven, he had come to see his father’s point of view in a way that he clearly could not have done earlier in life. In speaking to Niethammer about Julius, he further reminded him that although par? ents must maintain certain expectations for their children, it is necessary that young people experiment with different things in order to “l(fā)earn by experience of its futility” - something with which he could at that point in his life identify - and noted that much in life both depends on luck. “We know what pains we had to take, and with what ultimate consequences. You and I would like to give something else to our sons besides, they themselves are doing something quite different with them? selves.”'^’

? ? 正如很多步入中年的人們的情況一樣逢倍，黑格爾現(xiàn)在能夠?qū)λ约旱那嗄陼r(shí)期和對(duì)他自己經(jīng)歷的變化作出更多的反思。在就尼特哈默爾兒子尤利烏斯（他那時(shí)在海德堡求學(xué)）成長(zhǎng)問(wèn)題向尼特哈默爾提出建議時(shí)景图，黑格爾自傳式地說(shuō)道：“我能夠想象到您對(duì)所發(fā)覺(jué)的貴公子在大二下半期的狀態(tài)感到不甚滿(mǎn)意较雕。據(jù)說(shuō)我的父親同樣也無(wú)法對(duì)處在那個(gè)階段的我感到滿(mǎn)意≈勘遥”這是黑格爾一生為數(shù)不多地提到父親的地方之一亮蒋；但是顯然在47歲時(shí)，他已經(jīng)以某種方式明白了父親的觀點(diǎn)妆毕，這在他早年顯然是不可能做到的慎玖。在和尼特哈默爾說(shuō)到尤利烏斯時(shí)，他進(jìn)一步提醒尼特哈默爾笛粘，盡管父母親必須對(duì)子女保有某種期望趁怔，青年人卻必須用不同的東西做試驗(yàn)远舅，以便“從對(duì)徒勞的試驗(yàn)式體驗(yàn)中長(zhǎng)見(jiàn)識(shí)”——他可能在人生那個(gè)時(shí)期認(rèn)同的東西——并強(qiáng)調(diào)指出人生許多東西是要依靠運(yùn)氣的『鄹郑“我們曉得我們必須做出何種努力和必須面對(duì)何種最終結(jié)果图柏。您和我都想給予自己的兒子某種其他的東西——除此之外，他們自己在做與他們自己身份很不相同的事情任连≡榇担”

Hegel clearly thought he had reached a watershed; his youth in the old regime of Wiirttemberg was now something belonging to distant history; the youthful enthusiasm for the Revolution, the critical decision to become a professor in the new university that was only dreamed about in Jena, the tumult of the Napoleonic period, all were now historical relics; the new world, of which Hegel was now determined to be the theorist, was developing on all sides and, in 1817, seemingly in the right direction. The Revolution was now his past; the post? revolutionary modern life was the world in which he was living and was the only real world people like Julius Niethammer or his own children would ever know. Now he felt that he, like the world around him, could really settle down.

? ? 黑格爾顯然認(rèn)為他已經(jīng)到達(dá)人生十字路口；他在符騰堡舊政權(quán)治下的青年時(shí)期現(xiàn)在已成為遙遠(yuǎn)的歷史随抠；青年時(shí)期對(duì)法國(guó)大革命懷有的滿(mǎn)腔熱情裁着，在耶拿時(shí)期只是夢(mèng)想成為新型大學(xué)教授的關(guān)鍵要素，拿破侖一世時(shí)期的騷亂拱她，所有這些現(xiàn)在都成了歷史的遺物二驰；新的世界，黑格爾現(xiàn)在決意為之充當(dāng)理論家的新的世界秉沼，正在得到全面發(fā)展并在1817年看來(lái)好像沿著正確方向發(fā)展桶雀。法國(guó)大革命眼下已經(jīng)被他甩在身后；后革命時(shí)期現(xiàn)代生活是他正置身于其中的世界唬复，是像尤利烏斯·尼特哈默爾或他自己的子女一樣的人們大概所曾知道的唯一真實(shí)的世界〈；現(xiàn)在他覺(jué)得他自己，像周遭的世界一樣敞咧，可以真正安頓下來(lái)了棘捣。

Social Life and Friendships

Hegel’s social life in Heidelberg seems to have been mostly restricted to professors (unlike his life prior to Heidelberg and later in Berlin). In part this was due of course to the nature of a small town, but in part it was due to his hnding among his fellow professors kindred spirits.? Socializing in general in Heidelberg was infrequent - at least according to Hegel’s own account - although (again according to his own account) it was nonetheless quite cordial.^’* Two of his closest acquaintances were theologians: Karl Daub, who had been instrumental in recruiting him to Heidelberg and who then converted to Hegelian philosophy; and Friedrich Heinrich Christian Schwarz, a professor of both pedagogy and theology. Hegel’s other close acquaintance at Heidelberg was some? one he had known (but not well) in Jena and Nuremberg: the jurist Anton Friedrich Justus Thibaut, one of the outstanding legal thinkers of the period, whose juristical ideas Hegel in large measure shared.? Hegel was to participate in the many musical evenings that Thibaut staged at his house. Besides being one of the leading legal thinkers of his day, Thibaut was also a musicologist of no small repute and had a tremendous interest in what counted as “old” music at the time. It was probably at this time and partly under Thibaut’s influence that Hegel began working out his ideas on music as part of his aesthetics; indeed, Hegel was intensely interested in those evenings at Thibaut’s and often volunteered his own house for such gatherings. (Thibaut’s musical evenings were the beginnings of the foundation of the “choral societies” that were to become the nineteenth-century replacement for the “read? ing societies” of the eighteenth century to which Hegel’s parents be? longed.)

社交生活和友情

? ? 黑格爾在海德堡時(shí)期的社交生活看來(lái)好像主要局限于教授交往（不像他之前的紐倫堡時(shí)期和之后的柏林時(shí)期社交生活）。之所以出現(xiàn)這樣的情況休建，當(dāng)然部分地應(yīng)歸于小城鎮(zhèn)的性質(zhì)乍恐，而部分地應(yīng)歸于他發(fā)覺(jué)與教授同事志趣相投。海德堡時(shí)期的社交活動(dòng)總體上并不頻繁——至少根據(jù)黑格爾自己的描述并不頻繁——盡管（再度根據(jù)他自己的描述）他在這個(gè)時(shí)期的社交活動(dòng)中是非常熱情真誠(chéng)的测砂。他的兩位知音都是神學(xué)家：一位是卡爾·道布茵烈，他對(duì)于黑格爾受聘海德堡大學(xué)教授功不可沒(méi)，后來(lái)成了黑格爾哲學(xué)信徒邑彪；另一位是弗里德里锨票校·海因里希·克里斯蒂安·施瓦茨寄症，他既是個(gè)教育學(xué)教授又是個(gè)神學(xué)教授宙彪。黑格爾在海德堡時(shí)期的其他親近的熟人是某個(gè)早在耶拿和紐倫堡時(shí)期他就已認(rèn)識(shí)的（但不很熟的）人：法學(xué)家安東·弗里德里希·約斯特斯·蒂鮑特有巧，那個(gè)時(shí)期最為杰出的法學(xué)思想家之一释漆，他的法學(xué)思想在很大程度上為黑格爾所分享。黑格爾肯定多次參加蒂鮑特在家中舉辦的音樂(lè)晚會(huì)篮迎。除了是一流法學(xué)家之外男图，蒂鮑特還是一位頗有名聲的音樂(lè)學(xué)家示姿，并對(duì)當(dāng)時(shí)被算作“舊式”音樂(lè)的音樂(lè)懷有極大的興趣。很可能是在那時(shí)逊笆，部分地在蒂鮑特的影響下栈戳，黑格爾著手把他自己音樂(lè)方面的思想發(fā)展為他自己美學(xué)的一部分；實(shí)際上难裆，黑格爾對(duì)那些在蒂鮑特家中舉辦的晚會(huì)有著濃厚的興趣子檀，并常常自愿在他自己屋里舉行這樣的聚會(huì)。（蒂鮑特的音樂(lè)晚會(huì)是“合唱會(huì)”創(chuàng)建的開(kāi)端乃戈，“合唱會(huì)”必將在19世紀(jì)取代黑格爾的父母所屬于的18世紀(jì)的“朗誦會(huì)”褂痰。）

Hegel also became well acquainted with Georg Friedrich Creuzer, the classical philologist and founder of the scientific study of mythology; Creuzer’s work clearly influenced Hegel’s thoughts on theology.? Creuzer, one of the more respected classicists of the period, himself openly praised Hegel’s understanding of the Greeks and his philological talents, and was equally open in his admiration for Hegel’s immense learning.^'' (Creuzer himself had some notoriety; he had had a passionate affair with the young Romantic poet Karoline von Giinderode, but had broken it off and returned to his wife after being nursed by his wife through a crucial illness; Karoline von Giinderode then committed suicide in 1806. The whole affair was later brought to public attention in Bettina von Arnim’s 1840 memorial tribute to her friend. Die Gunderode\ but at the time of Hegel’s stay in Heidelberg, Creuzer’s past was no doubt only an element of gossip among the locals.) Hegel and his wife took many of their excursions and boat trips in the company of these people and their families.

? ? 黑格爾還與格奧爾格·弗里德里希·克羅伊策爾結(jié)為至交症虑，后者是位古典語(yǔ)文學(xué)家和科學(xué)的神話(huà)研究奠基者缩歪；克羅伊策爾的著作顯然對(duì)黑格爾神學(xué)思想產(chǎn)生很大影響〉荆克羅伊策爾本人匪蝙，作為那個(gè)時(shí)期很受尊崇的古典主義學(xué)者之一，公開(kāi)贊揚(yáng)黑格爾對(duì)古希臘人的解讀和黑格爾的哲學(xué)天賦韵卤，同時(shí)公開(kāi)對(duì)黑格爾學(xué)富五車(chē)表示欽佩骗污。（克羅伊策爾自己有些聲名狼藉；他與年輕美貌的浪漫派詩(shī)人卡羅琳·馮·貢德羅德有過(guò)一段風(fēng)流韻事沈条，但是在重病中始終得到妻子悉心照料后中斷了這場(chǎng)戀愛(ài)并回到妻子身邊；卡羅琳·馮·貢德羅德隨后在1806年自殺身亡诅炉。整個(gè)事件后來(lái)因貝蒂娜·馮·阿尼姆1840年為緬懷友人而寫(xiě)就的《貢德羅德》這部作品才引起公眾的注意蜡歹；但是，在黑格爾待在海德堡時(shí)涕烧，克羅伊策爾的過(guò)去無(wú)疑只是當(dāng)?shù)厝碎e聊的話(huà)題而已月而。）黑格爾和妻子在這些人和他們家人的陪伴下進(jìn)行過(guò)很多次遠(yuǎn)足和乘船旅行。