第3章 “從伯爾尼到法蘭克福再到耶拿時期：失敗的計劃和新的開始”(6)
Hegel decided to write his own textbook for such a class, and the Cotta publishing company - a prominent firm (in fact, Goethe’s publisher) located at that time in Tubingen - announced in a small notice on June 24, 1802 that they would have such a book on “Logic and Metaphysics” from Dr. Hegel. In the meantime, Hegel’s Magister de- gree had somehow blossomed into a Doktor, apparently with the approval of the Jena examiners.
? ? 黑格爾決定為這樣一門課撰寫他自己的教科書赖舟，科塔出版公司——一家位于那時圖賓根的著名公司（其實是歌德的出版公司）——在1802年6月24日貼出一張小海報，他們公司將出版這樣一本由黑格爾博士撰寫的關于《邏輯與形而上學》的書淹禾。與此同時柴墩，黑格爾的碩士學位也莫名其妙地變成了博士學位君仆，這個更改顯然已經(jīng)得到耶拿書報審查官的批準翩概。
Unfortunately, the announced book never appeared, although Hegel was working feverishly on such matters during his initial stay in Jena.? During that first year, he wrote and published his first short book: The Difference between Fichte’s and Schelltng’s Systems of Philosophy, which appeared in September 1801, shortly after his habilitation defense, and which was taken by everyone to be a polemical defense of Schelling’s philosophy against Fichte’s philosophy- a striking thesis, since Schelling had until then been widely taken to be an orthodox defender of Fichte’s ideas.'” The publication of the book was timely. Although Schelling certainly wanted to establish himself as the obvious successor to Fichte, he had to contend with the great following that Fichte still had at the university. Not only had Niethammer’s journal shifted from one emphasizing discussions of the Kantian philosophy into basically a journal disseminating the Fichtean philosophy, the university still had a devoted and popular Fichtean lecturing on Fichte’s philosophy: Johann Baptist Schad, who like Fichte had been born into exceedingly modest circumstances - he was the son of Catholic farmers and had originally studied to be a priest - and who had taken his doctorate in philosophy at Jena and lectured on Fichte’s thought from 1799 until 1804 to large and sympathetic audiences.”^ Schad made no attempt at developing any original thoughts, contenting himself with simply developing in more popular form Fichte’s philosophy. Despite the unoriginal light Schad cast on things, he was nonetheless a representative of the remaining Fichtean influence at the university that made it difficult for Schelling to establish himself as the next logical step in the progression of postKantian thought that was beginning to take shape at Jena. Hegel’s essay was therefore clearly a boost for Schelling’s career.
令人遺憾的是，這本已經(jīng)預告出版的書從未問世返咱，盡管黑格爾在客居耶拿初期為此事興奮地工作钥庇。在第一年期間，他撰寫和發(fā)表第一部篇幅很短的著作：《費希特哲學體系與謝林哲學體系的差異》咖摹，該著問世于1801年9月评姨，時值他任職資格論文答辯后不久，這本著作被所有人看作是對謝林哲學反對費希特哲學的論戰(zhàn)式的辯護——一個惹人注目的論題，因為謝林直到那時仍然被普遍地看作是費希特思想的正統(tǒng)辯護人吐句。該著的出版非常及時胁后。雖然謝林當然想把他自己確立為費希特的堂堂正正繼承者，但他不得不和費希特在耶拿大學仍然擁有的大批追隨者展開競爭嗦枢。不僅尼特哈默爾的雜志從著重對康德哲學的探討基本上轉成一份傳播費希特哲學的雜志攀芯，而且耶拿大學依然在開設關于費希特哲學的專門而通俗的費希特講座：主講者系約翰·巴普蒂斯特·沙德，此君和費希特一樣都是在極其溫和環(huán)境下長大的——他是信奉天主教的農(nóng)場主的兒子文虏，最初想讀大學做個牧師——此君獲得耶拿大學哲學博士學位侣诺，從1799年至1804年一直講授費希特思想，吸引大批聽眾前來聽講氧秘，引起聽眾贊同費希特思想年鸳。沙德從未嘗試闡發(fā)任何原創(chuàng)性思想，滿足于以較為通俗的形式簡單地闡釋費希特哲學思想丸相。盡管沙德所闡發(fā)的東西是非原創(chuàng)性的搔确，他仍然代表耶拿大學還是存有費希特哲學的影響，這就使謝林很難把他自已確立為在耶拿開始形成氣候的后康德哲學思想發(fā)展過程中的下一個邏輯階段已添。
It is also clear that although Hegel had finally committed himself to publication, he was again not fully satisfied with the results of his efforts. Nonetheless, he managed to turn out an astonishing amount of work during this period. Shortly after the Difference book had appeared, he and Schelling embarked on editing a critical journal together. The success of journals coming out of Jena, such as the Schlegels’ Athendum, Niethammer’s and Fichte’s Philosophisches Journal einer Gesellschaft Teutscher Gelehrten, and above all Schiitz’s Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung, had convinced J. F. Cotta to inaugurate another critical journal. The Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung had been the main organ for the dissemination of Kantian philosophy, the Philosophisches Journal einer Gesellschaft Teutscher Gelehrten had become the journal disseminating the idealist/Fichtean philosophy, and the Athendum had disseminated the new ideas of Romanticism. Schelling began negotiating with Cotta to bring out a new journal, which (although he did not say this) would clearly be oriented towards disseminating the Schellingian point of view.? At first, he had planned to do this together with Fichte, but as the philosophical differences between them began to sharpen and as Hegel suddenly arrived on the scene, Schelling changed his mind and suggested to Hegel that he and Hegel coedit the journal, to be called the Kritische Journal der Philosophic {Critical Journal of Philosophy). Hegel published a variety of lengthy essays in the journal, all of them having a Schellingian cast. Indeed, this association with the Schellingian point of view was to hover over Hegel’s reputation to some extent for the rest of his life. Although the essays were unsigned, most people could detect from Hegel’s notorious writing style and sharp polemical asides which ones had been written by Hegel.
? ? 同樣十分清楚的是妥箕，盡管黑格爾最終承諾發(fā)表《費希特哲學體系與謝林哲學體系的差異》這部著作，他再度不完全滿意他努力的結果更舞。然而畦幢，他想方設法在這個階段創(chuàng)作出數(shù)量驚人的著作。在《費希特哲學體系與謝林哲學體系的差異》這部著作問世后不久缆蝉，他就和謝林共同著手編輯一份評論雜志宇葱。一批在耶拿出版的雜志大獲成功，例如謝林的《雅典娜神殿》刊头，尼特哈默爾和費希特的Philosophisches Journal der Gesellschaft Teutscher Gelehrter（《德國學者協(xié)會哲學雜志》黍瞧，最重要的是許茨的《文學總匯報》，這樣的成功使J·F·科塔鐵心要創(chuàng)辦另一份評論雜志原杂∮〔《文學總匯報》是傳播康德哲學的主要工具，《德國學者協(xié)會哲學雜志》成了傳播唯心主義哲學或費希特哲學的雜志穿肄，以及《雅典娜神殿》雜志傳播浪漫主義新思想年局。謝林起初與科塔商談創(chuàng)辦一份新雜志，新雜志當然明顯定位為傳播謝林哲學觀點（盡管謝林沒有這樣說）咸产。起先矢否，他計劃與費希特共同主編這份雜志，但是脑溢，因為他們兩人之間的哲學差異逐漸變得越來越大僵朗，因為黑格爾突然出現(xiàn)在了耶拿這個哲學舞臺上，所以，謝林改變了主意验庙，向黑格爾提出他和黑格爾合編這份雜志顶吮，該雜志將被稱作Kritische Journal der Philosophie（《哲學評論雜志》）。黑格爾在該雜志上發(fā)表多種長篇論文粪薛，它們全都有謝林哲學的影子云矫。實際上，這種與謝林哲學觀點的聯(lián)系必將在某種程度上罩住了黑格爾余生的名聲汗菜。雖然這批論文沒有署名让禀，絕大多數(shù)人還是能夠從黑格爾糟糕的寫作風格和機智的離題論戰(zhàn)中發(fā)現(xiàn)它們出自黑格爾的手筆。
As work on the journal progressed, trouble began brewing between Hegel and Schelling. In letters to others, Schelling showed himself to be distancing himself at a fairly early stage from Hegel, even going so far as to attribute gaffes and infelicities in his own essays to failures on Hegel’s part to polish them up adequately before publication."^ In Schelling’s mind, no doubt, Hegel was an old friend whom he was helping out but who had no claims of his own to raise, whose role was simply to be a good soldier in the newly launched Schellingian movement in philosophy. That Hegel might have had his own views to work out that might not themselves be simple elaborations of the Schellingian point of view seems not to have occurred to Schelling. As far as Schelling was concerned, his own point of view was their shared point of view. Hegel was thus put in an uncomfortable position: To continue to serve as a loyal servant in the Schellingian cause was perhaps to abandon his own ambitions; yet to abandon the Schellingian cause was to subject himself to the risk of having no livelihood whatsoever and to disappoint an old friend who had come to his aid. He was, moreover, quite sensitive to any insinuation that he was merely a factotum or apologist for Schelling’s views. For example, when it was announced in a newspaper in Stuttgart that “Schelling has now fetched a stout warrior to Jena from his fatherland Wiirttemberg, through whom he gives notice to the astonished public that even Fichte stands far below his own viewpoint,” Hegel felt compelled to denounce this in an issue of the Critical Journal of PhilosophyHowever, Schelling continued to see himself and Hegel as working on a “common project,” which for him amounted only to Hegel working on his (Schelling’s) project. The tensions continued to mount between the two friends.
? ? 隨著雜志編輯工作的發(fā)展陨界，黑格爾與謝林之間逐漸產(chǎn)生不和巡揍。在致他人信中，謝林表明他自己要在相當早的階段疏遠黑格爾菌瘪，甚至如此疏遠以致他把他自己的論文中的失誤和不恰當統(tǒng)統(tǒng)歸咎于黑格爾未能在發(fā)表之前對它們進行適當潤色腮敌。在謝林心目中，毋庸置疑俏扩，黑格爾這個老朋友不斷得到他（謝林）的恩惠而黑格爾自己卻不思進取糜工，黑格爾只不過扮演一個新近發(fā)起的謝林哲學運動中的好戰(zhàn)士角色。黑格爾可能已經(jīng)提出他自己的某些看法而它們本身不可能是對謝林哲學觀點的簡單闡述录淡，這個事實看來好像是謝林所始料不及的捌木。就謝林而言，他自己的觀點是他們倆共同的觀點嫉戚。黑格爾因此被置于一個非常尷尬的境地：要是繼續(xù)充當謝林哲學事業(yè)的忠實仆人刨裆，也許必將放棄他自己的雄心壯志；然而要是放棄謝林哲學事業(yè)，無論如何可能使他自己面臨失去生計之虞，無論如何可能令一個對他有所提攜的老朋友大失所望台囱。尚不止于此，他對外界任何含沙射影的說法都非常敏感靡砌，以致他純粹成了謝林觀點的奴仆或辯解者。舉例來說，當下列這樣的看法刊登在斯圖加特報紙上時，黑格爾感覺到不得不在《哲學評論雜志》上撰文抨擊這種看法：“謝林眼下把一個來自他祖國符騰堡頑強的斗士賣到了耶拿疯坤，通過這個斗士謝林想告訴感到驚訝的公眾甚至就連費希特也遠遠遜色于他謝林自己的眼界∮德停”可是贴膘，謝林則繼續(xù)把他本人和黑格爾看作在致力于“共同的計劃”卖子，這話在他看來只是等于黑格爾在致力于他的（謝林的）計劃略号。這兩位好友之間的緊張關系在不斷加劇。
In addition to the growing tensions between himself and Schelling, the bright lights of Jena that had beckoned Hegel were growing dimmer and dimmer. The decline of the university and of the town of Jena as an intellectual center was each year accelerating and making itself felt.? When Hegel came in i8oi, this decline, although under way, was not yet in clear sight. To be sure, Fichte had been driven out of Jena, but Schelling had taken his place, and he and Schelling were editing a potentially important journal together. However, rather suddenly, just as there had been a mass movement of intellectuals to Jena in the last part of the eighteenth century, there occurred a rapid mass exodus of talent from Jena at the beginning of the nineteenth century. By 1803, none of the key members of the Romantic movement were any longer living in Jena. In 1802, the noted Kantian-inspired jurist Paul Johann Anselm von Feuerbach moved to Kiel. When in 1803 the university at Halle offered the outstanding sum of 1,400 Thalers to Professor Justus Christian Loder - an anatomist and surgeon on the medical faculty, who commanded immense moral authority and was thus known as the “true chancellor of the university” - he of course accepted the offer despite Goethe’s entreaties to him to stay and, adding insult to injury, took his invaluable collection of anatomical “specimens” with him.''^ After Loder announced his departure in 1803, Christian Schiitz announced a few weeks later that he too was moving to Halle, and, adding to Jena’s woes, that he was taking the Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung with him.
? ? 除他自己與謝林之間不斷加劇的緊張關系之外，早就吸引著黑格爾的耶拿燈紅酒綠的娛樂場所也在變得越來越暗淡無光玄柠。耶拿大學的衰落和作為知識中心的耶拿小鎮(zhèn)的衰落一年勝過一年突梦，這樣的衰落使得耶拿大學自身感覺到了。當黑格爾1801年來到耶拿大學時羽利，這樣的衰落雖然已經(jīng)出現(xiàn)但是還不十分明顯宫患。毫無疑問，費希特早已被逐出耶拿大學这弧，而謝林接替了費希特的職位他和謝林在共同編輯一份很有潛力的重要雜志娃闲。然而、天有不測風云匾浪，正像18世紀后半期耶拿爆發(fā)一場大規(guī)模的知識分子運動皇帮，19世紀初出現(xiàn)大批天才人物迅速離開耶拿的場景。到1803年蛋辈、再也沒有哪位浪漫主義運動關鍵成員還住在耶拿属拾。在1802年，康德哲學使其得到靈感的著名法學家保羅·約翰·安塞爾姆·馮·費爾巴哈移居基爾冷溶。當1803年哈勒大學向尤斯圖斯·克里斯蒂安·洛德教授——一名醫(yī)學系解剖學家兼外科醫(yī)生渐白，德高望重，因而以“大學名譽校長”聞名——開出總頻高達1400泰勒驚人年薪的時候逞频，他理所當然地接受了哈勒大學邀請盡管歌德請求他留在耶拿大學纯衍，并且雪上加霜的是，他帶走他采集的價值連城的解剖學“標本”苗胀。在洛德1803年宣布離開后托酸，克里斯蒂安·許茨幾個星期后宣布他也投奔哈勒大學，使耶拿舊仇未報又添新恨的是柒巫，他竟然把《文學總匯報》編輯部也連窩端了過去励堡。
Worse, Hegel’s friend Schelling was the subject of one of the great scandals of the period in Jena and, because of the scandal, felt he had to abandon Jena and take a position elsewhere. In 1798, Schelling made the acquaintance of Caroline Schlegel, August Schlegel’s wife. He was twenty-three, she was thirty-five and had a history of falling for men who were younger than she. It is more than apparent that Caroline Schlegel possessed an independence of mind and spirit that attracted many of the men around her but simply frightened most of the others; for example, although Goethe liked her, Schiller referred to her as “Dame Lucifer.” Schelling was a frequent guest at the Schlegel’s house; as things happen in these situations, it was not long after that Caroline Schlegel and Schelling began a genuine affair of the heart. With this state of affairs obvious to absolutely everyone, Caroline, August Schlegel, and Schelling all met in Berlin in 1802 and amiably worked out an agreement about what was an obviously touchy situation; with Goethe’s intervention, Caroline managed to get a divorce (with August Schlegel’s full cooperation), and she and Schelling were married in 1803.
? ? 更加糟糕的是，黑格爾的朋友謝林成了耶拿大學這個階段重大丑聞中一件丑聞的主角堡掏。由于這件丑聞謝林感覺到他本人不得不離開耶拿大學而到其他地方供職应结。在1798年，謝林結識了卡羅利內·施萊格爾泉唁，后者是奧古斯特·施萊格爾的妻子鹅龄。謝林時年23歲，卡羅利內·施萊格爾35歲——有過對比她年輕的多名男子傾心的歷史亭畜。更引人注目的是扮休，卡羅利內·施萊格爾因有主見和心無嘴絆而引起很多圍繞她轉的男子大加贊賞但簡直是令絕大多數(shù)其他男子望而生畏；舉例來說拴鸵，雖然歌德喜歡她玷坠，但席勒卻認為她是“撒旦夫人”蜗搔。謝林是施萊格爾家常客八堡；像有些事情在這種情況下發(fā)生的樟凄，過不多久卡羅利內·施萊格爾和謝林開始真正的心靈碰撞。由于事態(tài)絕對在每個人看來都是明擺著的兄渺，卡羅利內缝龄、奧古斯特·施萊格爾和謝林三人在1802年全都于柏林見面，就這種明顯地敏感的局面溫和地達成了一項協(xié)議挂谍；由于歌德從中斡旋叔壤，卡羅利內（在奧古斯特·施萊格爾的全面配合下）想方設法離了婚、她和謝林1803年結為伉儷口叙。
That in itself would have been enough to cause a minor scandal.? However, before their affair had begun, Caroline had sought to have her daughter from her first marriage, Auguste Bohmer, engaged to Schelling. In 1800, the daughter became ill, and, according to the rumors that circulated all around Jena, Schelling’s and Caroline’s attempts to cure her using the techniques of the “philosophy of nature” that Schelling was propounding had directly caused the fifteen-year-old Auguste’s death. Another rumor, circulated mostly by the wife of the theologian Heinrich Eberhard Gottlob Paulus, and Friedrich Schlegel himself, was that Caroline had deliberately killed her daughter in order to have Schelling for herself. (Caroline and Dorothea Schlegel seemed to have felt a particular animosity toward each other.) The insinuations against Schelling and Caroline even made the pages of the Allgemeine Ltteratur Zeitung, prompting Schelling to file a lawsuit against the editor, Christian Schiitz. August Schlegel took Schelling’s side in this matter, supporting his lawsuit against Schiitz and defending him and Caroline against the rumors of murder.
? ? 這件事本身也許足以成了一件不小的丑聞百新。然而，早在他們的戀情開始之前庐扫，卡羅利內就已試圖讓她第一次婚姻生下的女兒奧古斯特·伯默爾與謝林訂婚饭望。1800年，女兒伯默爾生病了形庭，根據(jù)道布全耶拿的謠傳铅辞，謝林和卡羅利內嘗試使用謝林所提出的“自然哲學”方法治愈她的病，這樣的嘗試直接造成了15歲奧古斯特命喪黃泉萨醒。分一個謠傳斟珊，主要由神學家海因里希·埃貝哈德·戈特洛布·保盧斯的妻子和弗里德里细恢剑·施萊格爾本人散布的謠傳囤踩，意思是卡羅利內故意殺害親生女兒以便獨霸謝林。（卡羅利內與多羅特婭·施萊格爾看似覺得彼此有著非同尋常的仇恨晓褪。針對謝林和卡羅利內含沙射影的報道甚至成了《文學總匯報》頭條新聞堵漱，這件事促使謝林對克里斯蒂安·許茨編輯提起訴訟。奧古斯特·施萊格爾在這件事上站在謝林一邊涣仿，支持他對許茨提起訴訟并為他和卡羅利內謀殺誡傳作辯護勤庐。
Hegel, who never had an easy time with independent women, also had a particular dislike for Caroline, and this put a great strain on Hegel’s relations with his old friend. Hegel valiantly tried to keep up the relationship with Schelling; after learning from Schelling that he and Caroline had been officially married (in a ceremony in Wiirttemberg presided over by Schelling’s father), Hegel wrote to congratulate him, joking that “I should at least send a sonnet marking the occasion, but you are in any case already used to making do with my prose, which does not permit one to be any more expansive in such matters other than a handshake and an embrace are.””*’ But the tensions were not to be papered over so easily; Hegel quite simply disapproved of Schelling’s wife. Although relations between Hegel and Caroline were officially polite and cordial, Caroline sensed Hegel’s dislike and reciprocated in kind. She derisively remarked in one of her letters to a friend on February i8, 1803 about how in Jena society Hegel “plays the Gallant and the general Cicisbeo” (the latter term coming from the Italian, originally meaning a cavalier who accompanies married women but by 1800 a term of derision and mockery)."’
? ? 黑格爾，從未有時間跟水性楊花而心無嘴絆的女子相處過的黑格爾好港，同樣也特別地討厭卡羅利內愉镰，這就使黑格爾和他老友的關系變得相當緊張。黑格爾極力設法維護與謝林的關系钧汹；在從謝林處得知謝林和卡羅利內已正式成婚（謝林父親在符騰堡為謝林和卡羅利內主持婚禮）之后丈探，黑格爾在致謝林信中表示祝賀，開玩笑地說道“我起碼應該在這隆重場合獻上一首十四行詩拔莱，而你好歹已經(jīng)習慣于忍受我的散文碗降，這就除了握手和擁抱以外不容許人們在這些事上花錢隘竭。”但是兩人的緊張關系肯定不是那么容易掩飾的遗锣；黑格爾簡直討厭透了謝林的妻子。雖然黑格爾與卡羅利內之間的關系表面上彬彬有禮和熱烈誠摯嗤形，卡羅利內卻感覺到了黑格爾的厭惡并友好相待精偿。她在1803年2月18日致朋友一封信中嘲笑般地談論道，在耶拿社交界黑格爾怎樣“向女子獻殷勤和扮演普通情夫”（這后一個詞語源自意大利語赋兵，最初意為一個陪伴已婚女士的騎士但到1800年卻成了嘲笑和挖苦的代名詞）笔咽。黑格爾對卡羅利內的這種消極態(tài)度同樣也出現(xiàn)在黑格爾在她死后致伊曼努爾·尼特哈默爾妻子信中的某些評論里。他寫道很多人“作出了這樣的假設即魔王迷住了她”（這里暗示他與他們都同樣瞧不起她并對她提出他自己的相當明確的看法霹期、在這同一封信中黑格爾還談到尼特哈默爾的妻子叶组，認為上帝應該“比花在卡羅利內身上多十倍的時間來保護尼特哈默爾的妻子，因為尼特哈默爾的妻子身上有適合于她的優(yōu)點”历造∷κ“黑格爾幾乎沒有在這件事上“向女子獻殷勤”。
After Schelling’s departure from Jena and the cooling down of their friendship, Hegel’s feelings about Caroline became more open. In a letter to Immanuel Niethammer’s wife in 1807, Hegel remarked that the wife of a new friend of his was also a friend of Caroline Schelling, and he added a bit scornfully, “her friendship with Mrs. Schelling might perhaps - depending on one's judgment of the latter - add some timidity to one’s curiosity to get to know her.’’"? Hegel’s negative attitude toward Caroline Schelling also surfaced in some remarks he made after her death in a letter to Immanuel Niethammer. He said that many “have enunciated the hypothesis that the Devil had fetched her’’ (hinting that he shared their low opinion of her) and made his own views about her fairly explicit, saying of Niethammer’s wife that God should “preserve her as befits her merit ten times longer than’’ Caroline Schelling.""^ Hegel was hardly playing the “gallant” in that case.
? ? 在謝林離開耶拿和謝林與卡羅利內的感情逐漸疏遠后吭产，黑格爾對卡羅利內的感情則變得越來越張揚侣监。在1807年致伊曼努爾·尼特哈默爾妻子信中，黑格爾說道臣淤，他新朋友的妻子同樣也是卡羅利內橄霉，謝林的朋友，黑格爾帶點輕蔑口吻補充說道邑蒋，“她與謝林夫人的友誼很可能——依據(jù)他人對謝林夫人的評價——會使某個好奇者想打聽她情況時頓生某種膽怯姓蜂。”黑格爾對卡羅利內·謝林的這種消極態(tài)度同樣也出現(xiàn)在黑格爾在她死后致伊曼努爾·尼特哈默爾信中的某些評論里医吊。他寫道很多人“作出了這樣的假設即魔王迷住了她”（這里暗示他與他們都同樣瞧不起她并對她提出他自己的相當明確的看法钱慢，在這同一封信中黑格爾還談到尼特哈默爾的妻子，認為上帝應該“比花在卡羅利內身上多十倍的時間來保護尼特哈默爾的妻子卿堂，因為尼特哈默爾的妻子身上有適合于她的優(yōu)點”）滩字。黑格爾幾乎沒有在這件事上“向女子獻殷勤”。
In 1803, another option opened up for Schelling himself. Yet another coalition against the French had met the same fate as the earlier coalitions, and in the aftermath of its defeat, the map of the Holy Roman Empire had been redrawn in 1803 more or less according to French design; the result was that Wurzburg had come under Bavarian control - the Bavarians were allied with the French - and the enlightened, modernizing Bavarian administration had founded a new “nonclerical, modern” university in Wurzburg, which immediately began to draw the Jena luminaries to itself. The scandal and the rumors of murder left Schelling in 1803 with no real choice after his marriage to Caroline except to accept the offer from the newly organized university at Wiirzburg and forsake Jena. Nor was Schelling the only one who felt the need to get out. In addition to Schelling, the prominent theologian Paulus, the philosopher-theologian Immanuel Niethammer, and the well respected (Kantian) jurist Gottlieb Hufeland all left for Wurzburg. In 1806, the jurist Thibaut left for Heidelberg. Hegel, no luminary at the time, was not invited. Schelling’s departure ended Hegel’s employment at the Critical Journal of Philosophy, since without Schelling to coedit the journal, it immediately folded. Hegel was left with no paying job, and both the city and the university at Jena were, so it seemed, in a state of rapid collapse.
? ? 在1803年御吞，另一個選擇擺在謝林本人面前麦箍。然而另一個反法同盟遭遇了和更早的同盟同樣的命運，在它戰(zhàn)敗后的一個時期里陶珠，神圣羅馬帝國地圖在1803年或多或少已經(jīng)根據(jù)法國人的方案重畫挟裂；結果是維爾茨堡被巴伐利亞控制——巴伐利亞人與法國人結成聯(lián)盟——并東開明的現(xiàn)代化的巴伐利亞當局在維爾茨堡創(chuàng)建了一所新的“無牧師的現(xiàn)代”大學，這所大學不次便逐漸吸引耶拿很多名人去它那里執(zhí)教揍诽。1803年诀蓉，丑聞和謀殺謠傳使謝林在跟卡羅利內成婚后栗竖，別無其他選擇只得接受來自新組建的維爾茨堡大學邀請而放棄耶拿大學。謝林也不是唯一一位感覺到需要離開耶拿大學的教授渠啤。除謝林之外狐肢，還有杰出神學家保盧斯、哲學家兼神學家伊曼努爾·尼特哈默爾以及極受人尊重的（康德哲學信徒）法學家戈特利布·胡費蘭同樣也全都放棄耶拿大學而轉投維爾茨堡大學沥曹。在1806年份名，法學家蒂鮑特離開耶拿大學而轉投海德堡大學。黑格爾妓美，當時還不是名人的黑格爾僵腺，沒有受到其他大學邀請。謝林的離開終結了黑格爾《哲學評論雜志》工作壶栋，因為在沒有了合編這份雜志的謝林情況下雜志很快就统饺纾刊了。黑格爾被迫撒下這份不拿報酬的工作贵试，可以說琉兜，耶拿城和耶拿大學將會很快處于坍塌狀態(tài)。
Worse personal news followed. Schelling, writing to Hegel in July 1803 about a meeting with Holderlin, remarked on how shocked he was at the complete breakdown of Holderlin’s mental capacities since he had last seen him, commenting that “the sight of him quite shook me; he neglects his appearance to the point of disgust; and though his speech does not greatly indicate a state of insanity, yet he has completely adopted the outer manner of those in such a state.” He then suggested that Holderlin return to Jena (apparently something Holderlin had expressed a wish to do) and that Hegel agree to take care of him, even though Schelling warned Hegel that to take care of Holderlin at that point he would have to “rebuild him from the ground up.”’^° Hegel was shaken by the news; but at that point, Hegel was barely capable of supporting himself, and he was thus reluctant to act on Schelling’s suggestion, although he clearly wanted to do so. No doubt recognizing Schelling’s description of Holderlin from the last time he had seen him in Frankfurt, Hegel told Schelling that Holderlin “is beyond the point where Jena can have a positive effect on a person,” adding “I hope that he still places a certain confidence in me as he used to do, and perhaps this will be capable of having some effect on him if he comes here.”‘^' Hegel was obviously more than a little anxious himself about Holderlin’s illness and wished to avoid the whole issue. Holderlin had been his close friend at the university and in Frankfurt; now it seemed he was slipping away, beyond his help.
? ? 更為糟糕的個人消息接踵而至毙玻。謝林呕童，1803年7月致黑格爾信中提到與荷爾德林見面情況，談論他自最后一次看到荷爾德林以來對荷爾德林精神能力完全崩潰感到多么震驚淆珊，寫道“他的那種情形使我感到非常心煩意亂：他無視他令人厭惡的表現(xiàn)夺饲；盡管他的言語沒有完全顯出他處于精神混亂狀態(tài)，他在這樣一種狀態(tài)下還是已經(jīng)完全契合那些表現(xiàn)的外在方式施符⊥”謝林接著建議荷爾德林重返耶拿大學（這顯然是荷爾德林所早已表達愿意做的事情）并建議黑格爾同意去照顧荷爾德林，盡管謝林提醒黑格爾為在這個關鍵時刻照顧荷爾德林他黑格爾必將“使他脫胎換骨”戳吝，“黑格爾被這個消息弄得心煩意亂浩销；但在這個時刻，他幾乎堅持不住了听哭，他因此勉強照謝林吩咐去做慢洋，盡管他顯然想要這樣去做。無疑在了解到謝林根據(jù)他在法蘭克嘎脚蹋看到荷爾德林最新情況而描述荷爾德林的時候普筹，黑格爾對謝林說荷爾德林“超過了耶拿對一個人產(chǎn)生積極影響的關鍵點”，并補充道“我希望他仍然對我抱有某種信心像他過去常常做的一樣隘马，或許這樣做將能夠對他產(chǎn)生一些影響如果說他會來這里的話太防。”“黑格爾明顯對荷爾德林病情感到非常擔憂并希望完全回避這個問題酸员。荷爾德林是他大學時代和法蘭克福時期的摯友蜒车；現(xiàn)在看來好像他在逐漸淡出人們的視線讳嘱，黑格爾確實愛莫能助。
Hegel managed nonetheless to hang on in Jena, and he even acquired more students after Schelling’s departure. In 1804 he was named an “assessor” of the Mineralogical Society of Jena, and he even made some forays into the surrounding Harz mountains to gather specimens. He was also made a member of the Westphalian Society for Natural Research. But this was small consolation for an aspiring scholar who was facing both the collapse of the university around him and his own evershrinking prospects for finding some salaried position elsewhere. After hearing rumors that there might be some new salaried appointments in philosophy at the university, and that J. F. Fries (whom Hegel detested and who detested Hegel) might get one of them, Hegel plaintively wrote to Goethe in 1804 practically begging for one of them: “I am thus reminded that I am the oldest Privatdozent in philosophy of those currently here,” and “I fear being held back from working at the university according to my abilities should the high authorities grant such a distinction to others” (that is, to Fries).He did not, however, receive the appointment he wanted. He also wrote letters to just about anybody who might, just might, be able to put him forward for a salaried position. All these too were to no avail.
? ? 盡管如此酿愧，黑格爾仍然想方設法堅持在耶拿大學執(zhí)教沥潭，他甚至在謝林離開后吸引了更多學生來耶拿大學。1804年他被任命為耶拿礦物學學會“鑒定員”嬉挡，他甚至多次冒險進入附近哈茨山采集標本钝鸽。他還被吸納為韋斯特法利安自然研究學會成員。但是這些只是對一個有雄心壯志的學者小小的安慰棘伴，因為他既在面對他身邊耶拿大學的坍塌寞埠，也在面對他自己因在其他地方尋找某些帶薪職位而不斷令人失望的前景屁置。在聽到耶拿大學哲學系可能有一些新的帶薪任命的傳言后焊夸，在聽到J·F·弗里斯（黑格爾和弗里斯相互交惡）可能會獲得其中一個帶薪任命后，黑格爾在1804年傷心地致信歌德實際上是在懇求歌德為他弄到其中一個帶薪任命：“我因而不禁想起我是到目前為止哲學無俸講師中最年長的一位”蓝角，“我恐怕不會繼續(xù)在耶拿大學工作阱穗，憑我的能力校領導不應該把我與其他教師（即與弗里斯）同等看待”。然而使鹅，他沒有獲得他想要的任命揪阶。他差不多還給任何也許能夠或勉強也許能夠推舉他獲得帶薪職位的人寫了信。所有的這些信件同樣也都注定是徒勞無益的患朱。
Among those who met him at Jena, Hegel seemed to inspire two kinds of reaction: he was either highly admired and even idolized, or he was disparaged. Reports from Hegel’s admirers describe him in only the fondest terms, but others did not have such high opinions of him.? Whereas K. F. E. Frommann (the bookseller and one of Hegel’s good friends in Jena) remarked that Hegel was “praised and beloved” by those who heard his lectures in the winter of 1804-1805, Friedrich Schlegel in an 1804 letter from Paris to his brother August Schlegel remarked that “still more nauseating to me are the Hegelites (Hegeleien); only with great difficulty will I read something again from these people.Hegel in this period displayed the characteristics that for his whole life caused people to line up with him or dismiss him for his arrogance. He had a self-assurance that many found attractive and many others found off-putting; but he also manifested a genuine concern for his students, going out of his way to help them and taking great interest in helping one particularly sickly student. In another case, a young Catholic student from the Netherlands, Pieter GabriH van Ghert, became interested in Hegel’s philosophy but could not speak German well enough to understand the lectures; Hegel not only helped him with his German but also had him over to his apartment for slower conversations about the points being made. The result was that van Ghert became a life-long friend and devotee of Hegel’s philosophy, maintaining his allegiance to Hegel long after he had become an important person in the government of the Netherlands. Curiously, Hegel thought until 1817 that van Ghert was Protestant and was surprised to learn that his friend was in fact Catholic. Despite attracting followers, even disciples who took every utterance and every grimace as the sign of something profound (a practice that immensely rankled some of Hegel’s contemporaries), Hegel himself always seemed to take a slightly ironic, dis- tanced, sometimes even bemused attitude toward such disciple-like behavior, which the student-disciples, however, simply interpreted as more evidence of his “deep interiority.”'^*^
? ? 這些在耶拿與他見面的人們中鲁僚，黑格爾看來好像心中產(chǎn)生兩種反應：他要么受到他們的高度贊賞甚至被他們當作偶像崇拜，要么他受到他們的輕視詆毀裁厅。黑格爾的贊賞者僅僅以最為深情的用語來描述黑格爾冰沙，而其他人卻沒有對他作出這樣高的評價。雖然K·F·E·弗羅曼（書商兼黑格爾耶拿時期好友之一）評論道黑格爾值得被那些聽過黑格爾1804年至1805年冬季學期課程的學生“贊揚和熱愛”执虹，但弗里德里贤鼗樱·施萊格爾卻在1804年從巴黎致胞兄奧古斯特·施萊格爾信中談論道“在我看來更加令人作嘔的仍然是黑格爾信徒（Hegeleien）；只是費了很大的勁我才可能從這些人那里解讀出某種東西”袋励，叫黑格爾在這個階段表現(xiàn)出的特點是侥啤，就他整個人生來說，使人要么與他站在一起茬故，要么因他的傲慢而使人摒棄他盖灸。他所具有的自信很多人發(fā)覺很吸引人也有人發(fā)覺令人不快；他同樣也顯露出對弟子的真關心磺芭，放下身段去幫助他們糠雨，懷著極大的興趣去幫助一個特別體弱多病的弟子。在另一個例子中徘跪，一個來自尼德蘭信奉天主教的青年學子彼得·加布里爾·梵·格爾特對黑格爾的哲學很感興趣但他德語說得不夠好以致聽不懂黑格爾講課內容甘邀；黑格爾不僅幫他補習德語而且還讓他到自己寓所就課上講到的要點慢慢交流琅攘。結果是梵·格爾特成了黑格爾的終生朋友和黑格爾哲學的愛好者，在格爾特成了尼德蘭政府重要人物后的很長時間內一直保持對黑格爾的忠誠松邪。令人奇怪的是坞琴，黑格爾直到1817年還認為梵·格爾特是新教徒，并在得知他的朋友其實是天主教徒時感到非常驚訝逗抑。盡管黑格爾吸引了很多追隨者剧辐，盡管甚至很多門徒都把黑格爾每句話每個表情都看作標志著某種深刻的東西（這種做法引起黑格爾某些同時代人的極大怨恨），黑格爾本人卻始終看來好像對這樣的類似信徒行為抱著一種稍帶諷刺的冷淡態(tài)度邮府，有時甚至還抱著一種茫然不知所措的態(tài)度荧关，不過這樣的態(tài)度卻更多地被學生信徒完全解釋成是他“深深的內在本質”的證據(jù)。
Hegel had come to Jena full of enthusiasm and touched by a bit of anxiety. Always the sociable sort, he had quite rapidly made friends in Jena and had participated in the heady intellectual discussions that were the milieu of Jena at the time. He became especially good friends with Karl Ludwig Knebel (a retired Prussian officer and kind of free-floating dabbler in intellectual matters), Thomas Johann Seebeck (a scientist with a particular interest in Naturphilosophie and Goethe’s theory of colors), the bookseller Frommann and his family, at whose house he indulged his life-long passion for playing cards, and with Immanuel Niethammer and his wife. After Niethammer moved to Wurzburg, Hegel began a long correspondence with him, inquiring in almost every letter about possible jobs; by 1805, as Hegel’s situation was worsening, he was even borrowing money from Niethammer.
? ? 滿懷熱情來到耶拿大學和受到一些焦慮的觸動來到耶拿大學褂傀。一如既往作為社交場上的橙唐。客，他很快在耶拿結交了很多朋友并參加了作為當時耶拿環(huán)境中令人興奮的知識討論仙辟。他與這些人成了特別要好的朋友同波，他們是卡爾·路德維希·克內貝爾（退休的普魯士官員兼自由的知識問題雜家）叠国、托馬斯·約翰·澤貝克（對自然哲學和歌德色彩理論特別感興趣的科學家）未檩、書商弗羅曼及其家人（在弗羅曼家他充滿持久的玩牌激情）和伊曼努爾·尼特哈默爾及其妻子。在尼特哈默爾移居維爾茨堡后粟焊，黑格爾開始了跟他長期書信往來冤狡，幾乎每封信中都會問起可否有工作的機會；到1805年项棠，其時黑格爾的處境變得非常糟糕悲雳，他甚至還從尼特哈默爾手里借了錢。
At first during his stay in Jena, Hegel ordered quite a bit of wine; his orders reveal tastes that clearly went beyond his limited income (tastes presumably acquired during his stay in Frankfurt as Hofineister to the wealthy wine merchant Gogel). There are records of several orders for Medoc and, quite striking for a poor academic, for Pontac. Pontac was the wine of the de Pontac family in Bordeaux, who were the first to make a wine recognized by the name of the ancestral chateau of the de Pontac family, Haut-Brion, then as now recognized as one of the premier wines of the world. The odds are, however, that Hegel’s orders for Pontac were for the more generic Pontac wines, which are now called St. Estephe, then as now still not a bad choice. Hegel was not, moreover, the first philosopher to be enchanted by the wines of HautBrion; John Locke had made a special trip there on May 14, 1677, to marvel at how such a wine was made.'^^ Hegel had more than a passing interest in wine, and his students often picked up that interest in imitation of the “master.” His tastes in wine also tended to exceed his budget.
? ? 起初在他暫住耶拿期間沾乘，黑格爾定購了很多葡萄酒怜奖；他的訂單顯示他的喜好顯然超過了他有限的收入（這種喜好很可能是他暫住法蘭克福期間做富裕酒商戈格爾家家庭教師時養(yǎng)成的）。現(xiàn)時可以查到黑格爾定購梅多克葡萄酒和蓬塔克葡萄酒的若干張訂單翅阵，這對一個窮困潦倒的學者來說是相當引人注目的歪玲。蓬塔克葡萄酒是波爾多德蓬塔克家族的葡萄酒，蓬塔克家族最先把釀造的葡萄酒用蓬塔克家族祖?zhèn)鲓W布里翁葡萄酒種植園命名掷匠，時至今日被認為是世界上頭等葡萄酒中之一種滥崩。然而，非扯镉铮可能的是钙皮，黑格爾的蓬塔克葡萄酒訂單上顯示的是較為普通的蓬塔克葡萄酒（現(xiàn)被稱作埃斯泰費葡萄酒），時至今日仍然可以看作是不錯的選擇。再說短条，黑格爾不是首位被奧布里翁葡萄酒迷住的哲學家导匣；約翰·洛克早在1677年5月14日就已特地到那里旅行，對這樣一種葡萄酒的釀造方式感到驚奇茸时。黑格爾對葡萄酒有著濃厚的興趣贡定，他的弟子常常因模仿“老師”而養(yǎng)成這個興趣。他對葡萄酒品味的要求同樣也逐漸為他的開支所無法承受可都。
But as time went on, Hegel’s circle of friends shrank as everybody picked up and left for other universities. Hegel came to be more and more isolated, and his wine orders shrank in both volume and quality.? Faced with the collapse of everything around him, with inflation rapidly eating away at what little was left of his inheritance, and with the fact that he did not have a salaried position or any real prospect of one, Hegel seems to have gradually and quite understandably begun to sink into a kind of slow, mounting depression. He was coming to the end of his ambitions to be a philosopher or literary figure of any sort, and it was not clear what else was open to him. His father had almost certainly wanted him to pursue some other career (such as his brother had); but Hegel had followed his mother’s wishes and decided to be a man of learning; now it was beginning to look as if his father had been right and his own act of self-assertion had failed. The conflict in his own emotions was no doubt almost too much to bear.
? ? 但是隨著時間的推移缓待，黑格爾的朋友圈在不斷縮小，因為很多人都打起行裝離開耶拿去了其他大學渠牲。黑格爾開始感到越來越孤單旋炒，他的葡萄酒訂單在數(shù)量和質量方面不斷縮水。面對身邊一切東西的坍塌签杈，面對通貨膨脹迅速地侵蝕他繼承的所剩無幾的遺產(chǎn)瘫镇，面對事實上他沒有帶薪職位或任何真正有前景的職位，黑格爾看來好像逐漸開始陷入一種緩慢的不斷增加的沮喪芹壕，這樣一種情況是完全可以理解的汇四。他終于放棄做哲學家或任何種類文人的雄心壯志接奈，也不清楚其他領域是不是向他敞開大門踢涌。父親幾乎當然要他從事某些其他職業(yè)（例如弟弟從事的職業(yè)）；但是黑格爾遵從了母親的意愿決定做個學者序宦；現(xiàn)在逐漸看來好像父親是對的睁壁，他自作主張的行為已然失敗。他自己情緒的沖突無疑幾乎是太劇烈了互捌，以致他無法承受潘明。
However, although Schelling’s departure in 1803 had meant the end of his work on the journal, it had also freed Hegel to develop his own thoughts. Thus, although he was rapidly running out of money, he was nonetheless no longer beholden to Schelling, no longer forced into the public role of the loyal Schellingian churning out essays for the journal intended to propagate Schellingian philosophy, however much his own published views had begun to diverge from Schelling’s. On his own, with his whole future, so it seemed, on the line, he had to establish himself by writing his own book and establishing his own presence in the philosophical and literary community. It would have been terribly easy for him to have given up at this point or to have simply gathered up the extensive manuscripts that he was producing during the period 1801-05 and quickly published them, in hopes that such a book would land him a salaried position at Jena or elsewhere. That he did not, that he held out until he had prepared what he thought was good enough to send out to the world as the Hegelian system, displays the ability for focused, hard work that had always characterized him and that continued to characterize him for the rest of his life. Hegel brought his family’s very old-fashioned but proud sense of personal integrity with him; he was simply not going to present to the public a work in which he himself could not believe. It also shows his supreme self-confidence that he was capable of such a project, a trait that people less friendly to Hegel were always to characterize instead (and not entirely wrongly) as his arrogance and obstinacy.
? ? 然而，雖然謝林早在1803年吐槽就已意味著他為雜志社工作的終結秕噪，這件事同樣也讓黑格爾放開手腳闡發(fā)他自己的思考钳降。這樣一來，雖然他迅速地用光了錢腌巾、他卻多年媳婦熬成婆再也不看謝林的臉色做事遂填，不復被迫扮演謝林哲學的忠誠的公眾角色，這樣的角色曾使他絞盡腦汁為刻意宣傳謝林哲學的雜志撰寫稿件澈蝙，無論有多少他自己的發(fā)表的看法早已逐漸與謝林觀點分道揚鑣吓坚。可以說灯荧，按他自己的思路礁击，展望他的整個未來，他必須借助寫出他自己的著作和確立他自己在哲學界和文學界的在場從而使他自己立得住腳。他在這個關鍵時刻打退堂鼓或簡單匯集他在1801至1805年這個階段所創(chuàng)作的大量手稿并很快把它們拿去發(fā)表哆窿，以期這樣一本著作將使他在耶拿或其他地方獲得帶薪職位链烈、這也許是很容易做得到的≈壳可是他卻沒有那樣去做测垛，他堅稱直到他已經(jīng)準備了在他看來足夠好的東西以至于可以把他黑格爾哲學體系公諸于世的時候才會把這樣的東西拿出去發(fā)表，這樣的舉動展示了他能夠做到心無旁騖努力工作秧均，這已經(jīng)成了他的特點并繼續(xù)成為他余生的特點食侮。黑格爾身上體現(xiàn)出他家族非常老派的但使他感到自豪的個人正直感；他壓根不打算把連他自己都不可能信賴的著作公之于眾目胡。他能夠作出這樣一種規(guī)劃同樣也表明他極其自信锯七，他的這個特點反而始終被對黑格爾不那么友好的人們刻畫成是他的傲慢自大和固執(zhí)己見（這樣的刻畫并非完全錯了）。
That he did this during a period of intense personal difficulty and deep depression was all the more remarkable.
? ? 更加引人注目的是誉己，他在個人極端困難和深度沮喪階段表現(xiàn)得極其自信眉尸。
