第3章 “從伯爾尼到法蘭克福再到耶拿時期：失敗的計劃和新的開始”(4)

By the autumn of 1801, Holderlin had managed to land another position as Hofmeister with a German official in Bordeaux, France, and set out on December lo for Bordeaux, finally arriving there on January 28. In 1802, Susette Gontard, already suffering from tuberculosis, died of measles contracted from her children; Holderlin, unaware of this, ran into some unexplained difficulties in Bordeaux and returned home.? Once there, he learned of Susette Gontard’s death, and his precarious mental health only worsened. Very soon thereafter he began his rapid slide into the severe schizophrenia that was to render him more or less helpless for the rest of his life.

到1801年秋，荷爾德林已經(jīng)想方設(shè)法找到另一個職位墩剖，將成為法國波爾多德國裔官員的家庭教師闯参，12月10日動身前往波爾多，最終在1802年1月28日到達(dá)那里。1802年柿冲，蘇塞特·貢塔德较性，已經(jīng)患上嚴(yán)重肺結(jié)核的蘇塞特·貢塔德，死于由她子女傳染的麻疹驹愚；荷爾德林不知道這件事，在波爾多遇到某些未被描述的困難劣纲，隨后回家了逢捺。一到家，他便獲悉蘇塞特·貢塔德的死訊癞季，他岌岌可危的心理健康狀況因此雪上加霜劫瞳。此后不久，他就開始迅速患上嚴(yán)重的精神分裂癥绷柒，精神分裂癥或多或少將使他余生呼天不應(yīng)叫地不靈志于。

By 1800, it was thus more than clear that Hegel’s partner in philosophical conversation and closest friend was leaving, and there is some reason to suppose that the two friends were in fact already growing apart. Holderlin was more and more undergoing a crisis in his life, whereas Hegel was finally coming to terms with the world and getting his own thoughts in order. The combination of Hblderlin’s increasing personal crises and the death of Hegel’s father almost certainly played the leading role in Hegel’s reassessment of just where his life had been heading and his taking stock of himself and his future. Although it seems quite evident that Hegel had not been especially close to his father, there is, on the other hand, also no evidence of anything like a complete rupture between the two. There are no letters or accounts of Hegel at the time being laid low by his father’s death or bemoaning the event to anyone; but it is significant that Hegel waited until the March following his father’s death in January to return to Stuttgart, where he was needed to help consolidate and divide what was not exactly a large estate. Hegel was not overwhelmed, and he did not feel he had to leave immediately for Stuttgart. Hegel could not have helped being affected by his father’s death, and being led into the kind of self-evaluation that often accompanies such events. His decision to change the course of his life occurred during that period; he finally decided that he had moved around enough; the period of his life where he could put off decisions, remain a Hofmeister, and continuously toy with ideas about making a life for himself as some kind of ill-defined “popular philosopher” was now over; he needed to become more serious; he needed a career.

? ? 到1800年，從而更為清楚的是废睦，黑格爾哲學(xué)交流的伙伴和最親密的朋友即將離去伺绽。有理由去猜想這兩個朋友其實已經(jīng)逐漸各奔東西。荷爾德林在遭受著越來越多的人生危機(jī)嗜湃，而黑格爾將最終與世界達(dá)成妥協(xié)和使他自己的思想變得條理分明奈应。荷爾德林不斷增加的個人危機(jī)與黑格爾父親離世，這兩件事合起來幾乎無疑在黑格爾重新評估人生航向和他對他自己和他的未來作出判斷過程中扮演著十分重要的角色购披。雖然看似非常明顯的是黑格爾沒有特別地親近過父親杖挣，但是同樣也非常明顯的是根本不存在像父子兩人間完全決裂一樣的東西。沒有任何信件或記述表明黑格爾當(dāng)時因父親去世而情緒低落或?qū)θ魏稳吮硎具^對這件事的哀傷刚陡；而具有重要意義的是黑格爾從父親1月去世后一直等到3月才重返斯圖加特惩妇，在家中需要他幫助整理和分割一筆數(shù)額不大的遺產(chǎn)株汉。黑格爾沒有悲痛欲絕，也沒有感到他必須迅速去斯圖加特歌殃。黑格爾不可能因父親去世而給他帶來有益的影響乔妈，也不可能致使他作出那種通常伴隨著這些事件的自我評估。他在這個階段作出了改變?nèi)松M(jìn)程的決定氓皱；他終于決定他應(yīng)該多出去闖一闖褒翰；他下列的這個人生階段此時已經(jīng)結(jié)束了：他可以放棄某些決定，可以一如既往地去做家庭教師匀泊，可以繼續(xù)兒戲般地想使得他自已一生就做某種沒有棱角的“通俗哲學(xué)家”；他需要變得更加嚴(yán)肅認(rèn)真朵你；他需要一個職業(yè)各聘。

After a trip in September of 1800 to Mainz to see at first hand the results of the Revolution as it been put into practice in Germany, Hegel, now possessed of a small inheritance, decided to see if he could make it as an academic philosopher. To do this, he summoned up his courage and got in touch with his old friend Schelling, with whom he had not corresponded since his Berne days. Schelling had since become quite a figure; having been introduced into literary circles by Immanuel Niethammer, a former seminarian at Tubingen and an organizing figure among the intellectuals at Jena, at the age of only twenty-three he had become in 1798 an “extraordinary” professor at the same university as Fichte, and, after Fichte’s dismissal from the university in 1799 on spurious charges of atheism, had come to be seen by virtually everyone there as Fichte’s legitimate successor at Jena. In his letter to Schelling (dated November 2, 1800), Hegel informed him about his plans to move to another location, citing Bamberg as a possible place, and asked him for some advice about where he should stay in Bamberg, saying that he was “determined to spend a period of time in independent circumstances, devoting it to works and studies already begun” and noting that he was not yet ready for the intensity and the “l(fā)iterary revels” of Jena, that he was looking instead for a town where there are “inexpensive provisions, a good beer for the sake of my physical condition, a few acquaintances.” (Hegel even mentioned that he “would prefer a Catholic city to a Protestant one: I want to see that religion for once up close” - was he thinking of Nanette Endel.?) After begging Schelling’s pardon for bothering him about such trivialities, he noted that he “hoped that we will once again find ourselves as friends.” Having said that, Hegel rather portentously informed Schelling that “in my scientific development, which started from more subordinate needs of man, I was inevitably driven toward science, and the ideal of youth had to take the form of reflection and thus at once of a system” - the death of his father perhaps prompting that phrase about transforming the “ideal of youth” and also signaling to Schelling, perhaps a bit ruefully, that he, Schelling, had been right all along about the importance of systematic philosophy.? Hegel had originally set out to involve himself in practical affairs as an “educator of the people” who would accomplish his mission through writings that would lead the people to a moral and spiritual renewal by assisting them in the construction of a “people’s religion.” In light of his failure to fulfill that project, Hegel remarked in his letter to Schelling, “I now ask myself, while I am still occupied with it, what return to intervention in the life of men can be found.This was no doubt a set of terribly emotional admissions for Hegel to make to Schelling. He had stubbornly for several years held onto his conception of himself as a man of letters despite what his close friends at the Seminary had no doubt urged him to do. He had disparaged the intricacies and subtleties of the post-Kantian movement as perhaps necessary parts of an “esoteric” philosophy that were nonetheless unnecessary for the more practical “application” of Kant’s philosophy; he had thus more or less insinuated that Schelling was indulging in mere speculation, in the “esoteric,” while he, Hegel, was working on more practical and immediate “intervention” in the form of “popular philosophy.” Now he had to admit to himself and to Schelling that his earlier ambitions had failed, that he had got it wrong, that Schelling had been right all along. He signed the letter in the familiar, “Wilhelm Hegel.”

? ? 在為親眼看看法國大革命在德國踐行時帶來何種結(jié)果而1800年9月到美因茨旅行后，黑格爾抡医，現(xiàn)時擁有一小份遺產(chǎn)的黑格爾躲因，決定去看看他能不能成功地當(dāng)上一名學(xué)院派哲學(xué)家。為了這樣做忌傻，他鼓足勇氣跟老友謝林取得聯(lián)系大脉，他自伯爾尼時期以來一直沒有與謝林通過信。謝林從那時以后已經(jīng)成了相當(dāng)有名的人物水孩；在被伊曼努爾·尼特哈默爾引入文學(xué)小組后镰矿，作為圖賓根神學(xué)院畢業(yè)生和耶拿知識分子中的組織者，年僅23歲時他就在1789年當(dāng)上了“特聘”教授俘种，和費希特在同一所學(xué)校執(zhí)教秤标，在費希特1799年因面臨嚴(yán)重的無神論指控而被大學(xué)解聘后，謝林終于實質(zhì)上被耶拿大學(xué)每個人當(dāng)作費希特合理合法的接替人看待宙刘。在致謝林信中（此信日期為1800年11月2日）苍姜，黑格爾對謝林說他計劃挪挪窩，列出班堡作為可去之處悬包，征求謝林意見他是否應(yīng)去班堡執(zhí)教衙猪、說他“已下定決心在不受約束的環(huán)境中度過一段時間，把這段時間專門用于那早已著手了的寫作和學(xué)習(xí)”布近，強(qiáng)調(diào)指出的是他還沒有為耶拿的熱情和“文學(xué)狂歡”做好準(zhǔn)備垫释，他反倒在尋找一個小鎮(zhèn)，那里要有“價廉物美的供應(yīng)品吊输，出于我身體狀況的緣故要有上好的啤酒饶号，要有幾個熟人〖韭欤”（黑格爾甚至還提到他“也許寧可去信奉天主教城市而不愿去信奉新教城市我想看到宗教一勞永逸地終結(jié)”——難道他是在想念納內(nèi)特·恩德爾嗎茫船？）在懇求謝林原諒這些瑣事打擾了他后琅束，他強(qiáng)調(diào)指出他“希望我們將再度發(fā)覺作為朋友的我們自己”。在寫完這句話后算谈，黑格爾煞有介事地告訴謝林涩禀，“按照我的科學(xué)發(fā)展而且這種發(fā)展始自人類更為低等的需求，我勢必被迫拼命地走向科學(xué)然眼，年輕時的理想必須采用反思的形式艾船，因而同時采取體系的形式”——父親的去世或許催生了改變“年輕時的理想”這個階段，同樣也向謝林發(fā)出信號高每，或許有點悔恨地屿岂，他謝林理所當(dāng)然地始終圍繞系統(tǒng)哲學(xué)的重要性做文章。黑格爾原先著手作為一名“人民教育家”投身實際事務(wù)鲸匿，“人民教育家”應(yīng)該通過作品來完成他的使命爷怀，作品應(yīng)該通過幫助人們構(gòu)建“人民宗教”從而引導(dǎo)他們實現(xiàn)道德和精神上的重生。由于未能圓滿完成這個計劃带欢，黑格爾在致謝林信中談?wù)摰涝耸冢拔椰F(xiàn)在捫心自問，雖然我對這個計劃仍然耿耿于懷乔煞，但是我發(fā)覺回到了干涉人們生活的東西吁朦。”這無疑是黑格爾向謝林表露的一系列極帶感情色彩的肺腑之言渡贾。他多年來一直頌固地堅持把他自己設(shè)想成是文人逗宜，盡管他在圖賓根神學(xué)院時的摯友無疑敦促他去這么做。他早就把盤根錯節(jié)和深奧精妙的后康德哲學(xué)運動貶低成或許是“秘傳的”哲學(xué)所必需的組成部分空骚，然而這些組成部分對于康德哲學(xué)的更為實際的“應(yīng)用”不是必不可少的锦溪；因此他或多或少地暗示謝林正沉溺于純粹的思辨，正沉溺于“秘傳的”哲學(xué)府怯，而他黑格爾在以“通俗哲學(xué)”形式致力于更為實踐和更為直接的“介入”刻诊。眼下他不得不向他自己和謝林承認(rèn)，他的早期宏大抱負(fù)已化落空牺丙，他作出宏大抱負(fù)是錯的则涯，而謝林看法始終是對的。他以熟悉的“威廉·黑格爾”在信中簽名冲簿。

The imploring tone of Hegel’s letter to Schelling is not hard to miss, and Schelling replied in exactly the way Hegel had no doubt deeply hoped he would: Instead of sending him some addresses in Bamberg, he urged him instead to come to Jena and stay with him, and in January i8oi, in a move that was to prove decisive for him, Hegel arrived in Jena. He must have been both delighted and fearful of the prospect.? For Hegel, his stay in Frankfurt had been a mixture of the best of times and the worst of times. On the one hand, there were reasons for a certain despondency on his part: His attempt at entering the debate in Wiirttemberg had been quashed; his own career was still going nowhere — he was, after all, still just an unpublished Hofmeister, whereas Hblderlin was beginning to achieve some renown for his published poetry, and Schelling’s career had been simply dazzling. Moreover, not only was the Revolution not progressing well in France, sympathy for it in the Holy Roman Empire was decidedly on the wane. His father’s death at the end of this period had jarred him, prompting him to realize that he had to provide himself with a career and not just live on youthful daydreams of being a man of letters. He was now thirty years old with not much to show for himself; his grand ambitions about being a teacher of the people had produced no great publications, no public recognition, and little money. The death of his father only brought home to him how he had been living in a bit of a daydream, that he was no longer the slightly pampered young intellectual at the head of his class but only a barely employed man approaching what counted then as middle age.

? ? 黑格爾在致謝林信中充滿懇切的語氣粟判，謝林完全以一種無疑早已為黑格爾所深切希望的謝林應(yīng)該采用的方式作出回復(fù)：他沒有寄給黑格爾一些班堡講演稿，反倒敦促黑格爾來耶拿和他待在一起峦剔，而在1801年1月档礁，通過一次必將證明對黑格爾來說是決定性的移居，黑格爾到達(dá)耶拿吝沫。他想必是對前景既高興又擔(dān)心呻澜。對于黑格爾來說递礼，他在法蘭克福的逗留實際上是最美好時光和最糟糕時光參半。一方面羹幸，存在著使他產(chǎn)生某種沮喪的理由：有人阻止他試圖參與符騰堡爭論脊髓；他自己的生涯八字還沒有一撇——他畢竟仍然恰恰是個未出版過作品的家庭教師，而荷爾德林因發(fā)表詩歌開始小有名氣栅受，謝林的事業(yè)長期以來簡直使人贊嘆不已将硝。尚不止于此，不僅法國大革命在法國發(fā)展得不是很好屏镊，而且對它的同情在神圣羅馬帝國也出現(xiàn)了大幅度的削減依疼；父親在這個階段結(jié)束時去世對他精神上打擊很大，促使他認(rèn)識到他必須謀得一份工作而芥，而不只是靠年輕時想當(dāng)文人的白日夢生活涛贯。他眼下已屆而立之年卻碌碌無為；他關(guān)于做“人民教師”的宏大抱負(fù)沒有使他發(fā)表大量作品蔚出，沒有使他得到公眾認(rèn)可，沒有使他腰纏萬貫虫腋。父親去世只不過使他確信骄酗，他一直以來有點生活在白日夢里，他不再是稍稍放縱的在本階層中處于領(lǐng)頭地位的年輕知識分子，而只是一個幾乎沒有受雇過的步入當(dāng)時被算作中年的男子。

His decision to go to Jena, though, gave him some reason for optimism: He had been in lively company in Frankfurt, his new ideas were beginning to take form, and he was still fairly confident about the kind of social, moral, and religious renewal for which he longed and in which he wanted to play an important role. Now he had a chance to go to, of all places, Jena itself to pursue a career in letters and philosophy, a chance to be an academic and not a Hofnieister. Nonetheless, as if it were a reminder of just how beholden to others he still was, he once again had to apply to the Wiirttemberg church authorities for permission to visit a “foreign” university.

? ? 盡管如此硕淑，他去耶拿這個決定使他有某種理由對前景感到樂觀：他在法蘭克福結(jié)識了一批充滿活力的志同道合者垃你，他的新想法在逐漸成形，他依舊對那種社會重生汇歹、道德重生、宗教重生抱有很大信心，依舊相信這是為他所期望的和他想在其中扮演重要角色的重生讨惩。眼下他有機(jī)會首先去耶拿這個地方繼續(xù)他的文人和哲學(xué)生涯，繼而有機(jī)會做大學(xué)教師而非家庭教師寒屯。然而荐捻，好像這樣的機(jī)會提醒他仍然恰恰多么對其他人表示感激，他再度不得不請求符騰堡教會當(dāng)局允許他訪問一所“外國”大學(xué)寡夹。

The young man who always found it virtually impossible to talk about himself, who always found it easier to speak in generalities than in personal terms, who had mused to Nanette Endel that “I do not know why I always fall into general reflections,” was of course quite naturally emotionally attracted to the ideal of university life taking shape in Jena. He had obviously decided, no doubt at first with some reluctance, that such “intervention” in the life of men could come only by his producing some writing “in the form of a system.” He had decided that in order for him to become an “educator of the people,” it was first necessary to become a philosopher following Fichte’s model and to join the newly conceived Fichtean university within modern life. That decision was not only to affect Hegel’s career, it also decisively changed the very style in which he wrote. After having made that decision, Hegel’s prose became much more “Fichtean” and ivissenschaftlich; he abandoned the free-flowing prose style he had chosen in his earlier writings in favor of what he regarded as the more rigorous, “scientific” mode of presentation - like Holderlin, framing his thoughts in a kind of unrelenting style that refused to allow the reader to fall back on his own familiar use of language. The paradigmatically obscure Hegelian use of self-created technical terms remained the most ambiguous of the modernist ambitions he inherited from his old friend.

? ? 這個總是發(fā)覺實際上不能談?wù)撟约旱哪贻p人处面，這個總是發(fā)覺容易言說共性而不易言說個性的年輕人，這個早已若有所思地對納內(nèi)特·恩德爾說“我不知道為什么我總是陷入全面的反思”的年輕人菩掏，無疑十分自然地在感情上受到耶拿已經(jīng)成形的大學(xué)生活理想的吸引魂角。他早已明確地斷定，無疑起初帶有某種勉強(qiáng)地斷定智绸，這樣的對人們生活的“干預(yù)”只有借助他所創(chuàng)作的某種“以體系形式”出現(xiàn)的作品才有可能實現(xiàn)野揪。他早就決定访忿，為讓他做“人民教育家”，首先必須成為以費希特為楷模的哲學(xué)家囱挑，首先必須加盟新構(gòu)想出的現(xiàn)代生活中的費希特式大學(xué)醉顽。這個決定不僅必將影響黑格爾的職業(yè)生涯，它同樣也徹底改變他借以寫作的特有風(fēng)格平挑。在作出這個決定后游添，黑格爾的散文體變成更加“費希特式的”和科學(xué)的文體；他放棄了他在早期作品中所選擇的自由流動的散文風(fēng)格通熄，而喜愛使用被他看作的更為嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)更為“科學(xué)的”表述方式——像荷爾德林一樣唆涝，以一種冷峻的風(fēng)格來建構(gòu)他的思想體系，為的是不使讀者們依賴他自己對語言的嫻熟應(yīng)用唇辨。對自創(chuàng)專門術(shù)語的范式上晦澀的黑格爾式的使用廊酣，依舊成為他從老友那里繼承的最為含糊不清的現(xiàn)代主義者的雄心壯志。

Still, although his ambitions remained high, he had been chastened by his experiences in Frankfurt and by having to come to terms with the death of his father; he belatedly came to the realization that he had to throw himself wholeheartedly into becoming what Schelling already was: a systematic philosopher. No other decision Hegel was ever to take was so decisive for him as that resolution to move to Jena and try his luck at something at which, thus far, he had experienced no real success.

? ? 還有就是赏枚，雖然他依舊志存高遠(yuǎn)亡驰，但是他早已因他法蘭克福經(jīng)歷備受磨煉和因必須讓步于父親去世而備受煎熬；他很遲才認(rèn)識到他得全身心地使他自己成為謝林已經(jīng)做成的人：一位自成體系的哲學(xué)家饿幅。黑格爾很可能有生以來所作出的其他決定都不像他現(xiàn)在決心移居耶拿和決心在某些東西方面碰碰運氣這個決定一樣干凈利落凡辱，在某些東西方面，到目前為止栗恩，他還沒有嘗到真正成功的滋味是什么透乾。

Jena: Hegel’s Transformation

耶拿：黑格爾的轉(zhuǎn)型

In making the decision to go to Jena, Hegel thus also resolved to effect a decisive transformation of his old project and his plan for his life. His early identification with Bildung easily fit into the Fichtean model of the university: If the university was the central institution of modern life, and was to be staffed and run by “philosophical minds,” men of Bildung, then people like himself rightfully belonged in the university and in the field that was at the summit of university life: systematic philosophy. His failure at practical “intervention” in the process of moral and spiritual renewal could now be redeemed by following in the footsteps of his friend Schelling.

? ? 由于作出去耶拿的決定，黑格爾因此也就決意使他舊有的計劃和人生規(guī)劃出現(xiàn)決定性的轉(zhuǎn)型磕秤。他早期對教養(yǎng)的認(rèn)同很容易適應(yīng)費希特的大學(xué)模式：假如大學(xué)是現(xiàn)代生活的核心機(jī)構(gòu)乳乌，假如大學(xué)全體職員和管理者將是“有哲學(xué)頭腦的”有教養(yǎng)的人，那么像黑格爾自己一樣的人們就恰好適合在大學(xué)和適合在這個作為大學(xué)生活最高的領(lǐng)域：體系哲學(xué)市咆。他在對道德重生和精神重生過程中實際“干預(yù)”的失敗現(xiàn)在可能憑借步謝林后塵加以彌補(bǔ)汉操。

Indeed, this decision was to give a definitive shape to the rest of Hegel’s life. Although he was not to get a regular (what was called an “ordinary”) appointment at a university until 1817, when he was fortyseven years old, he never abandoned the goal of securing such an appointment after having committed himself to that ideal. After 1800, he firmly believed that the university was the sole institution in which he could achieve the objectives he had set for himself while at Tubingen, and he was never again to waver in his conviction that not only was systematic philosophy the unifying point of all the disparate faculties of the modern university, but systematic philosophizing was a central if not in fact the central activity of modern life.

? ? 更確切地說，上述這個決定必將給黑格爾余生定下了調(diào)子蒙兰。雖然他必將沒有得到大學(xué)定期的（可稱之為“普通的”）聘用直到1817年為止客情，其時他已近知天命之年，但是他在承諾去實現(xiàn)這個理想后從未放棄謀得這樣一個職位的目標(biāo)癞己。在1800年后膀斋，他堅信大學(xué)是唯一的在其中他可以達(dá)到他早在圖賓根時就已為他自己確立的特定目標(biāo)的機(jī)構(gòu)，他肯定絕不會再度動搖他這樣的信念痹雅，也即他不僅堅信體系哲學(xué)能把現(xiàn)代大學(xué)中所有全然不相干的系科融為一體仰担，而且堅信體系哲學(xué)化是現(xiàn)代生活的一個中心活動，假如體系哲學(xué)化其實不是現(xiàn)代生活的這個核心活動。

Jena: The Modern University Takes Shape

耶拿：現(xiàn)代大學(xué)的成形

The town and the university had become famous at the end of the eighteenth century for their dazzling intellectual and cultural life, a development significant not just for Jena itself but for all of Germany.? All universities in Germany were in a state of crisis by this time. They were widely seen an antiquated, medieval institutions, corrupt to the core, run by a professoriate that was increasingly seen as teaching completely outmoded, useless knowledge, and fit only to be abolished (as the French had in fact done immediately after the Revolution). Even worse, the universities were turning out young men with no prospects for employment; there were simply not enough government and pastoral positions for all the men emerging with degrees of Magister from the German university system. Not surprisingly, student attendance at the universities was also dropping off precipitously, and many universities had become only expensive shells supported by increasingly uninterested princes. They were objects of increasing scorn; Goethe, for example, savagely mocked them in his play Faust. Because of this, many old German universities in fact simply ceased to exist during this period, and others were soon to pass away. Among others, Cologne (founded in 1388) ended its life in 1798; Helmstedt (founded in 1576) ceased to be after 1809; and Frankfurt on the Oder (born in 1506) expired in 1811.“ In fact, twenty-two German universities (more than half of the previously existing number) ceased to exist during the Napoleonic period.^’

? ? 耶拿小鎮(zhèn)和耶拿大學(xué)早在18世紀(jì)末就因它們令人贊嘆不已的知識生活和文化生活聞名摔蓝，這樣的發(fā)展不僅對于耶拿自身而且對于整個德國都具有十分重要的意義赂苗。所有的德國大學(xué)到這時都處于危機(jī)狀態(tài)中。它們被普遍地看作是由全體教授把持的過時的中世紀(jì)式從頭爛到腳的機(jī)構(gòu)贮尉，教授們?nèi)找姹豢醋魇窃趥魇谕耆湮榈氖窡o前例的知識拌滋，它們已經(jīng)到了非廢除不可的地步（像法國人在法國大革命后實際上迅速這樣做的一樣）。雪上加霜的是猜谚，有些大學(xué)證明年輕人的聘用前景十分堪憂败砂；按照德國大學(xué)制度所有獲得碩士學(xué)位的畢業(yè)生完全不夠資格進(jìn)入政府和擔(dān)任牧師。自然而然的是魏铅，大學(xué)在校生人數(shù)同樣也在出現(xiàn)銳減昌犹，很多大學(xué)僅僅成了被日益對大學(xué)毫無興趣的王公貴族支撐的昂貴而徒有其表的機(jī)構(gòu)。它們逐漸成了被人嘲笑的對象览芳；舉例來說斜姥，歌德在他劇作《浮士德》中就狠狠地嘲笑它們。由于這種狀況沧竟，德國很多老牌大學(xué)其實在這個階段完全不復(fù)存在了铸敏，其他大學(xué)也必定不久就消失了。在其他大學(xué)中悟泵，（創(chuàng)建于1388年的）科隆大學(xué)1798年結(jié)束了它的生命杈笔，（創(chuàng)建于1576年的）黑爾姆施塔特大學(xué)在1809年后關(guān)閉；（誕生于1506年的）奧德河畔法蘭克福大學(xué)1811年停止辦學(xué)魁袜。實際上，有22所德國大學(xué)（超過先前存在大學(xué)半數(shù)以上）在拿破侖一世時期就已不復(fù)存在了敦第。

Moreover, given the ways in which universities seemed to promote a disorderly life among students and the nepotism and corruption that plagued all of them, it increasingly seemed that not only were universities outmoded institutions, they were actually morally harmful institutions for their youthful students. Universities thus seemed like the last place from which an important cultural movement of any kind would emanate, much less a movement as vibrant as had come out of the small, unimportant backwater town of Jena, whose university had traditionally been well known only for the exceptional rowdiness of its students.? Jena’s students were famous for their crudity, their habit of dueling, their secret societies, their drunkenness, and their bullying of townsfolk lower in station than themselves. The students at Jena - as contemptuous of learning as any students had ever been anywhere at any time practiced the ritual of conferring on each other the title of Doctor cerevisiae et vim (doctor of wine and beer), the ceremony for which consisted in a candidate’s drinking as much beer as three other selected opponents.**'* Jena was, to put it mildly, not known as a place where the life of the mind flourished.

? ? 尚不止于此峰弹，考慮到看來好像受到大學(xué)助長的學(xué)生混亂的生活方式和使他們所有人都受到禍害的裙帶關(guān)系和腐敗，漸漸看來好像不僅僅大學(xué)成了過時的機(jī)構(gòu)芜果，大學(xué)實際上也成了對它們的青年學(xué)生造成道德傷害的機(jī)構(gòu)鞠呈。大學(xué)因而似乎像各種重要文化運動都將發(fā)源于的最后場所，更不必說這樣的運動和出自耶拿這個很不起眼的死氣沉沉小鎮(zhèn)的運動一樣充滿生機(jī)右钾，耶拿大學(xué)歷來只是因它學(xué)生特有的粗暴行為而惡名在外蚁吝。耶拿大學(xué)學(xué)生因他們的粗野、他們的決斗習(xí)慣舀射、他們的秘密社團(tuán)窘茁、他們的酗酒和他們欺辱比他們自己地位低下的鎮(zhèn)民而惡名在外。耶拿大學(xué)學(xué)生——作為在任何時候任何地方都總是懷有的苔視學(xué)習(xí)的學(xué)生——練習(xí)一種彼此授予Doctor cerevisiae et vini（葡萄酒和啤酒博士）頭銜的儀式脆烟，這種儀式在于要求一位候選人所飲啤酒數(shù)量上要等于其他三位備選對手所飲啤酒的總量山林，耶拿大學(xué)，說得客氣點邢羔，根本就不是一個思想生活活躍的場所驼抹。

There were of course some exceptions in Germany to this model of university life, but they were few and far between. The most significant of these was Gottingen University, founded by the Hannoverian princes in 1737 and dedicated to modern principles.**^ The founders of Gottingen gave theology - traditionally the dominant subject in the university, and at many universities for all practical purposes the only subject - a very subordinate position. Having seen the damage that religious disputes had caused at Halle — an uncharacteristically prosperous university that had declined sharply when the Pietists there managed to get Christian Wolff (at that time the leading philosopher in Germany) dismissed from his position on doctrinal grounds - the founders of Gottingen were anxious to avoid the sectarianism that had often plagued German universities. The corresponding academic freedom that resulted from playing down the role of theology curiously enough even made Gottingen the leader in Enlightenment biblical criticism. The founders also consciously deemphasized philosophy, the other characteristically central faculty of a traditional German university; unlike the case of theology, however, that did not lead to its becoming a center of philosophical thought.

? ? 在德國當(dāng)然有人對大學(xué)生活模式提出某些異議桑孩，而這些異議實屬鳳毛麟角。這些大學(xué)中最重要的當(dāng)屬哥廷根大學(xué)框冀，由漢諾威親王創(chuàng)建于1737年流椒，致力于現(xiàn)代原理的研究，哥廷根大學(xué)創(chuàng)建者把神學(xué)——歷來是大學(xué)龍頭學(xué)科在很多大學(xué)實際上是唯一學(xué)科——放在非常次要的位置明也。在看出了宗教爭論對哈勒大學(xué)——一所那里的虔信派教徒設(shè)法把克里斯蒂安·沃爾夫（那時德國一流哲學(xué)家）從教義寶座上拉下馬時驟然衰微了的毫無特色的興旺發(fā)達(dá)的大學(xué)——造成的危害后宣虾，哥廷根大學(xué)創(chuàng)建者們極力地避免這樣的常常會給德國大學(xué)造成危害的宗派主義。因降低神學(xué)扮演的角色而帶來相應(yīng)的學(xué)術(shù)自由诡右，甚至還使哥廷根成了啟蒙運動中《圣經(jīng)》批評的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者安岂，這是令人感到非常好奇的事情。哥廷根大學(xué)創(chuàng)建者同樣也自覺地降低哲學(xué)這另一門在傳統(tǒng)德國大學(xué)中富有特征的核心系科的重要性帆吻；可是域那，和神學(xué)情況不一樣，這種做法不會導(dǎo)致神學(xué)將成為哲學(xué)思考的中心猜煮。

Gottingen offered its professors both high salaries relative to other universities and freedom of thought, and it sought to attract only famous professors. It quickly excelled in what we would now call the social sciences. Most importantly, Gottingen made a conscious effort to attract a clientele not traditionally oriented to university life: the nobility. The nobility had typically ignored university life, preferring instead to go to a “knightly academy” (a Ritterakademie) where the emphasis was not so much on knowledge as it was on becoming the German version of a Renaissance gentleman.“ Gottingen made a conscious attempt to attract these types (who typically paid higher fees) and thus offered instruction not only in law and social science (knowledge useful for running a Land) but also in “dancing, drawing, fencing, riding, music, and conversation in modern languages.”*^’ Gottingen succeeded; even though the nobility made up only two percent of the population, they composed more than thirteen percent of the students at Gottingen.

? ? 哥廷根既為教授們提供相對高于其他大學(xué)的薪水又為教授們營造自由思考的氛圍次员，這樣做只是試圖吸引名教授前來哥廷根執(zhí)教。它迅速擁有超強(qiáng)的我們現(xiàn)在通常所稱作的社會科學(xué)王带。最重要的是淑蔚，哥廷根有意努力去吸引一種不是傳統(tǒng)意義上為大學(xué)生活定位的客戶：貴族。貴族通常忽視大學(xué)生活愕撰，反倒寧可去“騎士學(xué)院”（Ritterakademie）刹衫，騎士學(xué)院重點不在于使人滿腹經(jīng)綸而在于使人變成德國版文藝復(fù)興時期的紳士。哥廷根大學(xué)有意識地嘗試去吸引這些類型的人（他們通常繳納學(xué)費更高）搞挣，哥廷根大學(xué)因而不僅講授法學(xué)和社會科學(xué)（對治理公國有用的知識）带迟，而且還講授“舞蹈、繪畫囱桨、擊劍仓犬、騎術(shù)、音樂和現(xiàn)代語交流”舍肠。哥廷根大學(xué)取得了成功搀继；盡管貴族只占人口總數(shù)2%，他們卻構(gòu)成了哥廷根大學(xué)在校生30%以上翠语。

Jena’s intellectual supplanting of Gottingen was due to some contingent factors that put it in the position to answer some deeply felt needs of the time. Jena had none of Gottingen’s natural advantages. It was a small, insignificant town whose population almost never rose above 4,500. The wealthy Hannoverians, linked to the English royal family, lavishly supported their university at Gottingen, but the Thiiringen princes in charge of Jena were more or less indifferent to their own, both in enthusiasm and in financial support. The salaries at Jena were notoriously low, amounting to between 460 to 260 Thalers per year.? whereas a student was assumed to need 200 Thalers a year just to subsist.?^ However, for completely accidental reasons having to do with the history of Saxony (the Land in which Jena was located), the university, unlike all the other German universities, was not answerable to one individual noble for its patronage but instead to the four different Thiiringen nobles of Weimar, Coburg, Gotha, and Meiningen. This was fortunate for Jena; beholden to four different princes, it ended up for all practical purposes answering to none; the respective nobles could never meet or agree on anything, and they could not have cared less about the university. Although this meant that none of the Thiiringen princes was willing to give the university much support (or to increase professors’ salaries), it also meant that the Jena professoriate could achieve for themselves an unprecedented arena for freedom of thought and teaching, all of which they began exploiting around 1785.

? ? 耶拿知識界對哥廷根的排擠緣于某些偶然的因素叽躯，這些偶然因素使它能夠回答當(dāng)時某些被人深深感到的需求。耶拿根本沒有哥廷根的天然優(yōu)勢肌括。它是一個很小的無足輕重的城鎮(zhèn)险毁，人口幾乎絕不會超過4500人。富裕的漢諾威人，與英國皇室有聯(lián)系的漢諾威人畔况，慷慨地支持他們的哥廷根大學(xué)鲸鹦，而掌管耶拿的圖林根親王或多或少情感上和財政上對他們自己的大學(xué)漠然置之。耶拿大學(xué)教職工薪水出了名的低跷跪，平均每人每年總共在460至260泰勒之間馋嗜，而一個學(xué)生一年據(jù)說需要200泰勒才能勉強(qiáng)維持生計〕痴埃可是葛菇，出于與薩克森（耶拿所在的公國）歷史有關(guān)的完全偶然的原因，耶拿大學(xué)橡羞，不像所有的德國其他大學(xué)眯停，不向一個單獨為它提供庇護(hù)的貴族負(fù)責(zé)而向魏瑪、科堡卿泽、哥達(dá)莺债、邁寧根這四個不同的圖林根貴族負(fù)責(zé)。這是耶拿大學(xué)的幸運签夭；由于依靠這四位不同的貴族齐邦，耶拿大學(xué)實際上最終不向任何人負(fù)責(zé)；各個貴族絕不可能為任何事情碰面或就任何事情達(dá)成一致第租，他們可能絲毫不關(guān)心大學(xué)事務(wù)措拇。雖然這種情況意味著圖林根貴族根本不愿意提供耶拿大學(xué)很多資助（或增加教授薪水），但這種情況意味著耶拿大學(xué)全體教授可以獨享空前的自由思考和教學(xué)舞臺慎宾，所有這些在1785年左右開始在逐步拓展丐吓。

Jena was also fortunate because it lay in those territories protected by the 1795 Treaty of Basel, which exempted it from the Napoleonic decrees that had disrupted the activities of other German universities.? Largely because of this and the freedom of thought it offered to intellectuals, in the period following 1785 Jena quickly attracted a series of literary and scientific leaders who came to enjoy the liberty offered them by the university, and it quickly developed an outstanding faculty in medicine, theology, law, and of course philosophy. In 1784 (or maybe as late as 1785), Christian Gottfried Schiitz began lecturing on the philosophy of Immanuel Kant, and Jena (not Konigsberg, where Kant lived) almost instantly became the center for the propagation of Kantian philosophy. Schiitz founded a journal, the Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung, which also quickly acquired a wide circulation across Germany and became the chief organ for the discussion and dissemination of Kantian ideas. The Jena professors were able to augment their meager incomes by writing for the Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung, which also paid uncharacteristically high honoraria for published articles.

? ? 耶拿大學(xué)之所以是幸運的還有一個原因，它所處的地區(qū)受到1795年《巴塞爾條約》保護(hù)趟据，該條約使耶拿大學(xué)豁免于拿破侖一世時期為瓦解德國其他大學(xué)活動而頒布的法令券犁。主要由于這一點和它為知識分子營造的思考自由的氛圍，在1785年后這段時間耶拿大學(xué)很快吸引了一批文學(xué)和科學(xué)領(lǐng)軍人物之宿，他們著實喜愛耶拿大學(xué)為他們營造的自由氛圍族操，耶拿大學(xué)很快在醫(yī)學(xué)苛坚、神學(xué)比被、法學(xué)、當(dāng)然還有哲學(xué)方面培養(yǎng)出了杰出系科泼舱。1784年（或大概晚至1785年）等缀，克里斯蒂安·戈特弗里德·許茨著手開設(shè)伊曼努爾·康德哲學(xué)講座，耶拿（而非康德居住的柯尼斯堡）幾乎立即成了康德哲學(xué)傳播中心娇昙。許茨創(chuàng)辦了《文學(xué)總匯報》這份雜志尺迂，該雜志同樣也迅速地在全德國大量發(fā)行，成為探討和傳播康德哲學(xué)思想的主要工具。耶拿大學(xué)教授能夠借助為《文學(xué)總匯報》撰稿增加他們的微薄收入噪裕，這同樣也算是對得到發(fā)表文章的難得的高回報蹲盘。

One of the most important elements in the development of Jena’s university was the acquisition in 1775 of a far-sighted minister of culture in Weimar who oversaw the university: Johann Wolfgang Goethe. When he came to Weimar, Goethe was already a figure of immensely high esteem in German life and letters and had also become quite a celebrity - indeed, perhaps the first real literary celebrity, in the sense of being an author whom people wanted to meet, and to hear him connect his personal experiences with his literary creations. Goethe took a keen interest in the development of the university and appointed a capable official, Christian Gottlob Voigt, to oversee the development of the institution. He was able to convince the poet and dramatist Friedrich Schiller to come to the university in 1789 as an “extraordinary” professor (so called because his position was not one of the officially funded “ordinary” chairs). Although Schiller was to leave Jena to move to Weimar in 1793, the joint prospect of being in the vicinity of two such famous men (Goethe and Schiller) was enough to draw intellectuals to Jena and, following in their wake, more serious students.

? ? 耶拿大學(xué)發(fā)展中最重要的因素之一是1775年增添了一位魏瑪遠(yuǎn)見卓識的文化部長掌管這所大學(xué)，約翰·沃爾夫?qū)じ璧律乓簟．?dāng)他到達(dá)魏瑪?shù)臅r候召衔，歌德已經(jīng)是德國人生活和文學(xué)中極受人尊敬的人物，同樣也早已成了一個大名人——更確切地說祭陷，也許早已成了第一個真正的文學(xué)名人苍凛，從作為一個被人們想見想聽他把他個人經(jīng)歷與文學(xué)創(chuàng)作聯(lián)系起來的作者意義上說。歌德對耶拿大學(xué)的發(fā)展懷有濃厚的興趣兵志，并任命一個能力強(qiáng)的官員克里斯蒂安·戈特洛布·福格特接管這個機(jī)構(gòu)的發(fā)展醇蝴。他能夠說服詩人兼劇作家弗里德里希·席勒在1789年來耶拿大學(xué)擔(dān)任“特聘”教授（之所以這樣稱呼是因為他的職位不是一個由官方撥款的“普通”教授職位）想罕。雖然席勒預(yù)定1793年離開耶拿移居魏瑪悠栓，但是有機(jī)會一下子與兩位諸如（歌德和謝林）這樣的名人接近必將足以吸引知識分子來到耶拿和緊隨著他們的到來而吸引更多真誠的學(xué)生來到耶拿。

The coming of Schiller and then shortly thereafter of Fichte changed the course of the university at Jena and helped to establish a more or less “Jena view” of the world. In his inaugural lecture in 1789 on “What Does It Mean and To What End Do We Study Universal History.?” Schiller sharply distinguished between what he called the Brotgelehrte (literally, bread-scholars) and the philosophischer Kopf (the philosophical mind), the difference being that between the student who comes to the university to learn some skills in order to enter a profession (the Brotgelehrte) and the student who comes solely from the love of learning (the philosophischer Kopf). Only the latter pursues a noble purpose and really belongs in a university, and Schiller called on the students to assume, each on his own, this responsibility for themselves. In 1794, Fichte came to the university (also as an “extraordinary” professor) and intensified the line that Schiller had already taken vis-Tvis the relationship between the university and intellectual life. Fichte’s lectures quickly became a sensation, and students began flocking to Jena to hear him speak; soon his lecture halls were so packed that students stood on ladders to peer in the windows when Fichte was lecturing.*^ Declaring himself a “priest of truth,” Fichte argued that the scholar is both the teacher and the educator of mankind, since only the scholar is able to come to grips and articulate the truth that is the necessary condition for all people to achieve their proper humanity.'*” Moreover, the apex of the scholarly world is occupied by the philosopher, since only he can possibly grasp the unity that is implicit in all the other scholarly activities of the university and hold the university together in its scholarly and moral mission. Even more strongly than Schiller, Fichte called on the students to assume such responsibilities for themselves.

? ? 席勒的到來弧呐，接著此后不久費希特的到來闸迷，改變了耶拿大學(xué)的發(fā)展進(jìn)程，有助于建立一個或多或少的“耶拿世界觀”俘枫。在1789年以題為“大學(xué)意味著什么和我們研究大學(xué)史到底為了什么腥沽？”的就職演講中，席勒敏銳地區(qū)分他稱之為的Brotgelehrte（直譯為面包學(xué)人）和Philosophischer Kopf（有哲學(xué)頭腦學(xué)人）鸠蚪，也即區(qū)分那些想通過上大學(xué)學(xué)習(xí)某些技能以便從事一門職業(yè)的學(xué)生（Brotgelehrte）和那些完全因熱愛學(xué)習(xí)而上大學(xué)的學(xué)生（Philosophischer Kopf）今阳。唯獨后者才會追求高尚的目標(biāo)和真正適合上大學(xué)，席勒號召學(xué)生每個人都要承擔(dān)起他們自己的責(zé)任茅信。1794年費希特（同樣也以“特聘”教授身份來耶拿大學(xué)執(zhí)教盾舌，并進(jìn)一步強(qiáng)化席勒關(guān)于在大學(xué)與知識生活關(guān)系方面早已采用的路線。費希特的講演旋即引起轟動蘸鲸，學(xué)生們開始成群結(jié)隊地涌向耶拿聆聽他的講座妖谴；不久他的講座大廳如此地爆滿以致有些學(xué)生站在梯子上透過窗戶仔細(xì)看費希特講演∽靡。“在宣稱他自己是“真理的牧師”時膝舅，費希特論證道，學(xué)者既是人類的導(dǎo)師又是人類的教育家窑多，因為只有學(xué)者才有能力逐漸把握和系統(tǒng)闡述真理而真理是所有想獲得高尚人性的人們的必要條件仍稀。”尚不止于此埂息，學(xué)者世界的頂峰被哲學(xué)家占據(jù)技潘，因為只有他們才有可能把握一種暗含于大學(xué)所有其他學(xué)者活動中的統(tǒng)一并才有可能體現(xiàn)大學(xué)學(xué)者何命和道德體命合為一體遥巴。甚至比席勒更強(qiáng)烈的是，費希特號召大學(xué)生承擔(dān)他們自己的這樣的責(zé)任享幽。

In Fichte s formulations, the university and, by implication, really only the university at Jena, was therefore to be the central institution of modern life, the place where knowledge was to be unified and the freedom of humanity was to be underwritten. In one fell swoop, Fichte had transformed the idea of the university from that of the antimodern institution per excellence, an outmoded, morally and intellectually bankrupt corporate holdover from medieval times, into the central institution of modernity’s wishes and demands. In some ways, just as Fichte’s philosophy w as a radicalization of Kantianism, his ideas on the university w ere a radicalization of the Enlightenment conception of the Republic of Letters, according to which the central institutions of modern life w ere comprised of the network of writers, publishers, booksellers, and those who ran the Enlightenment salons.

? ? 在費希特的系統(tǒng)闡述中铲掐，耶拿大學(xué)和暗示真正只有耶拿大學(xué)因此才必將成為現(xiàn)代生活的核心機(jī)構(gòu)，才成為知識必將被一體化和人類自由必將得到加強(qiáng)的場所值桩。一下子迹炼，費希特改變了世人對大學(xué)的看法，把自中世紀(jì)以來大學(xué)被看作極端反現(xiàn)代的機(jī)構(gòu)或被看作一個過時的道德和知識上破產(chǎn)的社團(tuán)剩余物颠毙，變成被看作現(xiàn)代性的希望和要求的中心機(jī)構(gòu)斯入。在這些方面，正像費希特哲學(xué)是激進(jìn)化的康德主義一樣蛀蜜，他對大學(xué)的看法同樣也是使啟蒙運動關(guān)于文學(xué)共和國的構(gòu)想激進(jìn)化了刻两，依據(jù)這種被推向極端的構(gòu)想，現(xiàn)代生活的中心機(jī)構(gòu)由作家滴某、出版商磅摹、書商和那些主辦啟蒙運動沙龍的人這一網(wǎng)絡(luò)組成。

Kant himself was a proudly self-proclaimed member of the Republic of Letters, which, as the phrase at the time had it, claimed to know no national boundaries, and in his piece The Con flict of the Faculties, Kant had paved the w-ay for Fichte by arguing that not only had the philosophical faculty matured enough to break away from dependence on other faculties (particularly the theological faculty), it could in fact now assume preeminence among them since it and it alone was a fully autonomous study, not beholden to any other body for its core doctrines (making it different, for example, from law, which was beholden to what the legislators had enacted).

? ? 康德本人驕傲地自稱為文學(xué)共和國的成員霎奢，文學(xué)共和國（像那時這個短語具有的含義一樣）宣稱不知道民族界線的存在户誓，早在他的《系科之爭》這部著作中，康德就已借助以下的論證為費希特思想發(fā)展鋪平了道路：不僅哲學(xué)系早已成熟到足以擺脫對其他系科（特別是神學(xué)系）的依賴幕侠，而且哲學(xué)系其實現(xiàn)在可能在它們中表現(xiàn)得更為出色帝美，因為哲學(xué)且唯有哲學(xué)才是一門充分自主的學(xué)科，才是一門因哲學(xué)的核心學(xué)說而使哲學(xué)自身不依靠任何其他系科的學(xué)科（舉例來說晤硕，使哲學(xué)自身有別于法學(xué)悼潭，因為法學(xué)依靠立法者制定的東西）。

As always, Fichte radicalized Kant’s doctrine and laid the foundation for the typically modern claims about the centrality of the university as the gatekeeper for admission to the elite. Certainly before Fichte, few people would have thought that the university was destined for anything more than a subordinate status in the emerging new world of political, economic, and personal freedom. Fichte’s calls for freedom and responsibility and his charge to the university to become the institution of modern life had no less than a revolutionary effect on the students.? Many freely offered to disband their secret societies and devote themselves to the ideals of learning, offering also in the process to hand themselves over to Fichte’s leadership. (Fichte’s rigidly moralistic personality led him to bungle things badly, leaving the students feeling betrayed by him, which led them in turn to disrupt his lectures, throw stones through his windows, and run him out of town; but after military troops were dispatched to Jena from Weimar and the student insurrection was decisively quashed, Fichte was able to reestablish himself, and his student supporters formed a short-lived Gesellschaft freter Manner Society of Free Men - to combat the old fraternities.)*''

? ? 一如既往舞箍，費希特使康德學(xué)說激進(jìn)化并為大學(xué)作為接受精英的守門人的中心這一典型的現(xiàn)代主張奠定了基礎(chǔ)舰褪。當(dāng)然在費希特之前，很少有人可能認(rèn)為大學(xué)注定在蓬勃興起的政治疏橄、經(jīng)濟(jì)和個人自由的新世界中不是處于從屬地位的機(jī)構(gòu)占拍。費希特對自由和責(zé)任的訴求與他對大學(xué)成為特定現(xiàn)代生活特定機(jī)構(gòu)的指責(zé)，此二者絲毫趕不上革命對大學(xué)生產(chǎn)生的影響捎迫。很多人自愿脫離他們的秘密社團(tuán)而獻(xiàn)身于學(xué)術(shù)理想晃酒，他們同樣也自愿在這個過程中把自己交給費希特領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。（費希特死板的道德主義個性致使他把某些事情搞得很糟立砸，這就導(dǎo)致有些學(xué)生覺得被費希特出賣了掖疮，這反過來致使他們擾亂費希特講課初茶，通過窗戶向費希特扔石頭颗祝，試圖把他趕出耶拿小鎮(zhèn)浊闪；但是在軍隊從魏瑪趕到耶拿且學(xué)生暴亂被果斷平息后、費希特才得以回到原位螺戳，他的學(xué)生支持者成立一個短命的Gesellschaft freier Geister（自由人協(xié)會）——以跟舊有的兄弟會作斗爭搁宾。）

What is more striking is how the students rapidly accepted Fichte’s claims and even demanded them. The generation of students attending Fichte’s early lectures was, of course, more or less Hegel’s own generation. During the late and post-Enlightenment period in which they had grown up, traditional religion had lost much of its hold on them. Many felt that the established churches had become far more interested in simply persecuting the unorthodox and protecting their privileges than in being the leaders of any kind of spiritual or moral movement. Fichte’s calls for the students to liberate themselves by assuming moral responsibility offered them an alternative to the orthodox religion they had rejected. They were now joined in a cause that went beyond their own private interests; they were called to be participants in a common social project that was to liberate them all collectively and individually.

? ? 更加引人注目的是，有些學(xué)生多么迅速地接受了費希特的主張倔幼，甚至他們多么迫切地需要費希特的主張盖腿。聆聽費希特早期授課的那代大學(xué)生當(dāng)然或多或少就是黑格爾自己這代人。在他們所成長于的啟蒙運動后期和后啟蒙運動階段损同，傳統(tǒng)宗教大體上喪失了對他們的束縛翩腐。很多人覺得，那些已經(jīng)建立的教會早已僅僅對殘酷迫害異教徒和保護(hù)它們自己的特權(quán)感興趣膏燃，而遠(yuǎn)非對做任何種類的精神運動或道德運動的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者感興趣茂卦。費希特號召大學(xué)生們通過承擔(dān)道德責(zé)任從而解放他們自己，這樣的號召為他們提供一種已經(jīng)被他們摒棄的正統(tǒng)宗教的抉擇组哩。他們眼下投身于超越他們自己私人利益的事業(yè)等龙；他們受到召喚去參加制定一項必將使他們在集體和個體意義上得到徹底解放的共同的社會計劃。

Perhaps just as important, Fichte’s new conception of the university gave intellectuals a new place in the world. Before the Revolution, young men in France had flocked to Paris with dreams of becoming “men of letters” only to discover that, contrary to what they had hoped and expected, the Republic of Letters simply had no salaried positions in it, and it was not therefore possible actually to make a living as an “author.” Many of these disappointed young men began increasingly to sympathize with the growing calls for a revolutionary transformation of society. Fichte’s reconceiving of the role of the university, however, effectively gave young German intellectuals (such as Hegel) an alternative to a free-standing career as a man of letters. They could instead pursue their intellectual careers as salaried professors within the institution of the university rather than being locked out of an intellectual career altogether. In effect, young men with modernizing ambitions could within a modern, Fichtean university assume a salaried position in the social order while remaining intellectuals.

? ? 也許正像十分重要的是伶贰，費希特關(guān)于大學(xué)的新構(gòu)想賦予知識分子在世界中新的地位蛛砰。在法國大革命前，法國青年人心懷做“文人”夢的想蜂擁而至巴黎黍衙，而到了巴黎他們只不過發(fā)現(xiàn)泥畅，與他們早已希望和期待的東西相反，這個文學(xué)共和國中根本就沒有什么帶薪職位琅翻，它因而實際上不可能使他們以“作者”身份謀生涯捻。在這些大失所望的青年人中，很多人開始逐漸支持日益增長的借助革命改變社會的呼聲望迎。不過障癌，費希特對大學(xué)角色的重新構(gòu)想實際上向德國青年知識分子（例如黑格爾）提供一種作為文人的獨立職業(yè)的選擇。他們不可能追求他們在大學(xué)機(jī)構(gòu)中作為帶薪教授的知識生涯辩尊，而知識生涯完全被拒之門外涛浙。實質(zhì)上，那些心懷現(xiàn)代志向的年輕人可能假定在現(xiàn)代費希特式大學(xué)中存在著符合社會秩序而仍然為知識分子提供的帶薪職位摄欲。

Fichte’s reconception of the university turned out to be one of the fundamentally modern stratagems for handling intellectuals, not just in Germany but elsewhere as well. By making them into salaried professionals in charge of what was supposed to be the crucial institution for the modern order, the danger that they would instead turn into smoldering, resentful men and women working outside the accepted social framework was put aside. After Fichte’s revolutionary reconceiving of the role of the university in modern life, the intellectual acquired the ability - and maybe even an odd sort of duty - to imagine his or her life henceforth as a Professor, not as a man or woman living outside society in some idealized state of the Republic of Letters. In some ways, the Professor became the salaried position within that idealized Republic.? Fichte thus managed to recast the image of the university from that of a backward, outmoded institution inimical to all that was modern to the focal point of modern life itself, the agent of social and moral renewal; and philosophy was to be the pinnacle of that movement, the point in the university where all those elements came together. Fichte also succeeded in transforming the image of the professor from that of a pedantic, narrowly focused, antiquated fellow fit only to be an object of ridicule into that of a heroic, modern individual, the moral exemplar of modern life - into, in Fichte’s phrase, the “priest of truth.”

? ? 費希特因而想方設(shè)法去重塑德國大學(xué)的形象轿亮，想方設(shè)法把一個落后而過時的、對所有作為現(xiàn)代東西充滿敵意的機(jī)構(gòu)形象變成現(xiàn)代生活本身的焦點胸墙，變成社會重生和道德重生的行動者我注；哲學(xué)必將成為這場運動的頂峰，成為所有這些因素都匯聚于其中的大學(xué)中的焦點迟隅。費希特同樣也成功地改變了教授的形象但骨，使教授從一個迂腐励七、目標(biāo)狹隘、因循守舊奔缠、僅僅適合于作為嘲弄對象的人物變成一個英雄般的現(xiàn)代個人或現(xiàn)代生活的道德楷穆犹В——變成，用費希特的話說校哎，“真理的牧師”两波。

Jena’s “Literary Revels” and the Birth of Romanticism

耶拿的“文學(xué)盛宴”與浪漫主義的誕生

The intellectual efflorescence at Jena that had drawn in Schelling and now Hegel himself had attracted not only academics. The Jena environment - and particularly Fichte himself - drew in others who were only tangentially associated with the university. Fichte had put a great set of personal and moral demands on his hearers, summoning them to accept fully and individually the responsibility for their own actions and beliefs, but those demands had, almost paradoxically, been enthusiastically received. The dogmatists, Fichte claimed, were incapable of understanding the deep truths of the post-Kantian idealist turn in thought because they had yet to understand just how free they were; they simply failed to see that the buttresses holding them up were only self-erected props. Thus, no refutation of dogmatism (such as that offered by Kant’s and then Fichte’s philosophies) could gain any foothold in their minds because, as Fichte put it, they were incapable of understanding their own radical freedom.’^ Fichte called out to the audience at his lectures to assume their own freedom, to realize it within their own lives and reflections, and, implicitly, told them that those who continued to abide by the old order were personally incapable of perceiving this truth unless and until they somehow “converted” and came to grasp their own freedom.

? ? 耶拿知識繁榮昌盛早已吸引了謝林且眼下又吸引了黑格爾本人，而耶拿知識繁榮昌盛吸引了的不僅僅是大學(xué)教師闷哆。耶拿環(huán)境——特別是費希特本人——吸引了其他和耶拿大學(xué)絕對毫無關(guān)系的人們腰奋。費希特為他的聽眾提出了一大套個人要求和道德要求，號召他們充分接受從個人角度認(rèn)同對他們自己的行動和信念負(fù)責(zé)抱怔，但幾乎具有悖論意味的是這些要求早已被他們熱情地接納氛堕。獨斷論者們，費希特聲稱野蝇，不能理解后康德唯心主義思想轉(zhuǎn)向的深度真相讼稚，因為他們?nèi)匀徊坏貌蝗ダ斫馑麄兦∏∈嵌嗝醋杂桑凰麄兺耆茨芘灏阉麄兺衅鸬闹е徊贿^是自我樹立的支撐物绕沈。這樣一來锐想，凡是對獨斷論的反駁（例如康德哲學(xué)提供的繼而費希特哲學(xué)提供的對獨斷論的反駁）都不可能在獨斷論者心目中獲得任何立足點，因為乍狐，像費希特指出的赠摇，獨斷論者不能理解他們自己的激進(jìn)的自由∏瞅剑“費希特在講座上呼吁聽眾假定他們自己的自由藕帜，意識到他們自己的生活和反思領(lǐng)域的自由，并含蓄地告訴他們那些繼續(xù)守護(hù)舊秩序的人們單憑個人不能夠理解這個真相惜傲，直到他們設(shè)法“改變信仰”和最終把握他們自己的自由為止洽故。

Obviously, a troubling set of questions would have arisen for those who took this message to heart. One was: How does one bring the “dogmatists” around to understanding their own freedom.? How does one effect such a change of soul? In the context of Germany at the time, this question had a real, deeply felt practical force to it. How was the moral and spiritual renewal of Germany - the very idea of the revolution - to be brought about if it was to be accomplished by those who continued to think of themselves as “unfree” (and to rely on the accepted canons of tradition and church)? The answer that quickly emerged came from a creative and brilliant misreading of what Kant and Fichte were demanding: The power of the imagination, especially as employed by self-possessed artists (those willing to break with the accepted, given “classical” standards of art), would be the vehicle by which people would be brought around to this spiritual change. The Romantic artist (and not the classical artist slavishly following the socalled classical forms) would be the vehicle for the dispensation of the new order. By exhibiting freedom at work, art would become emancipatory and thereby also become political.

? ? 十分明顯地，一系列令人煩惱的問題大概對于那些非常關(guān)心這個信息的人們來說已經(jīng)產(chǎn)生了盗誊。問題之一是：一個人怎樣致使“獨斷論者們”去理解他們自己的自由呢时甚？一個人怎么使“獨斷論者們”發(fā)生這樣的心靈變化呢？在當(dāng)時德國語境中哈踱，這個問題對德國具有一種真正的荒适、被人深深感受到的實踐力量。德國的道德重生和精神重生——革命這一特有的觀念——怎么必將被致使得以產(chǎn)生开镣，如果這兩種重生必將被那些繼續(xù)把他們自己看作“無自由的”人們所完成（和必將依賴于得到認(rèn)可的傳統(tǒng)和教會的規(guī)范）刀诬？一個不次就出現(xiàn)的答案來自對康德和費希特所要求的東西作出創(chuàng)造性的卓越的誤讀誤解：想象力，特別是作為沉著的藝術(shù)家們（那些愿意打破得到認(rèn)同的邪财、給予的“古典”藝術(shù)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的人們）所使用的想象力陕壹，應(yīng)該成為人們將借以被促使產(chǎn)生精神變化的工具质欲。浪漫派藝術(shù)家（而非盲目遵從所謂古典形式的古典派藝術(shù)家）將充當(dāng)傳播新秩序的工具。依靠展示自由的作用帐要，藝術(shù)有可能成變成思想解放工具，由此藝術(shù)同樣也有可能變成政治工具弥奸。